Brussels, 22 October 2025

Seventy years ago, in 1955, Jean Monnet founded the Action Committee for the United States of Europe, a transnational political initiative that brought together leaders from national parties and trade unions to accelerate European integration. The Committee played a decisive role at the moment of the adoption of theTreaties of Rome, the accession of Britain to the European Communities, and the direct election of the European Parliament.
In the 1980s, the Committee was revived under the impulse of Max Kohnstamm , Monnet’s direct collaborator in the first Committee. That second incarnation working closely with Jacques Delors contributed the Single European Act and the Maastricht Treaty, reaffirming the vision of a political Europe.
The new Action Committee for the United States of Europe operates through the partnership established by the Union of European Federalists (UEF), the Association Jean Monnet, the Spinelli Group of the European Parliament, the Young European Federalists (JEF),and Civico Europa Network.
In 2024, the Action Committee was relaunched with a new generation of European leaders and thinkers committed to completing the Union, starting with the Declaration of 7 May 2024, followed by the Ventotene Declaration of 1 September 2024, the Memorandum on European Defence of 5 March 2025, and the Second Schuman Plan on 9 May 2025. Together, these texts set out a roadmap for a stronger, more sovereign, and more democratic Europe, rooted in the values and methods that guided the original Committee.
The Final Declaration on a Roadmap to European Sovereignty adopted on 18 October calls among other things for the full implementation of the Letta and Draghi reports, the establishment of a European Common Defence, the abolition of unanimity In decision-making, and the organisation of an interparliamentary assembly to reinvigorate the integration process.
Some quotes from the participants:
“The third Action Committee is aiming at developing a ‘collective Monnet’, composed pro-European personalities to foster a common vision for a stronger and federal Union” - Domenec Ruiz Devesa, Former MEP 2019-2024 and President of UEF
“We should not take for granted the European project and be aware of the challenges we need to overcome. All pro-European forces need to fight together, starting by implementing the necessary institutional challenges to tackle the EU's challenges.” Fernando Mariano Sampedro Marcos, Spanish State Secretary for the European Union
“European federalism is the most ambitious political project in mankind” — Mario Monti, Professor at University Bocconi, former Prime Minister of Italy, former European Commissioner and Member of the Senate of the Italian Republic.
“The West as we knew it doesn’t exist anymore. As Europeans, we need to overcome our internal institutional competition, clarify and use the tools that we already have on the table to finally build our strategic autonomy.” — Josep Borrell, former EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and former President of the European Parliament
“We can criticise the functioning of the EU institutions, but we can not make the big mistake of delegitimising them. We should build the future together, constructively” — Enrico Letta, President of the Jacques Delors Institute and former Prime Minister of Italy
“If we want a peaceful future, it must be federal” — Enrique Baron Crespo, former President of the European Parliament and President of UEF Spain
“Uniting the pro-European forces of Europe is a start. But thinking of the states alone without the citizens won’t work” — Othmar Karas, Former First Vice President of the European Parliament
“The call to relaunch the Action Committee for the United States of Europe reminds us of our founding purpose: to secure peace, freedom, and democracy through unity. A federal Europe is not a dream of the past — it is the condition for our shared future. Now is the time for courage, trust, and joint responsibility, so that Europe can stand tall and speak with one voice in a world of giants.” — Andrea Wechsler, MEP and President of Europa Union Deuschland (EUD-UEF Germany)
"Times of crisis - and the 2020s are certainly one of them - often lead citizens and politicians to caution, not to innovation or deep reform. But we, as federalists, are here to challenge them and push them to act. Because these reforms are exactly what we need in moments like this, to move forward and progress together." — Christell Savall, President of Young European Federalists (JEF Europe)
"We must be bold enough to acknowledge our failures: the threats we underestimated, the crises we allowed to grow. We must confront the nationalist and populist forces that seek to divide us and to put down what we have spent at least 70 years building. I do believe that hope, boldness, and courage must guide us to build a strong Europe with its citizens, for its citizens. I am confident this Action Committee will honour the legacy of those who came before us." — Mathilde Baudouin, Secretary General of the Union of European Federalists (UEF)
Declaration A Roadmap to European Sovereignty LINK
All statements, documents, and activities of the Committee can be consulted on the website of the Union of European Federalists. LINK
Pictures here by the photographer David Arous: Day 1 LINK, Day 2 LINK
Program, List of Participants and Background Paper LINK
























Brussels, 10 October 2025
The Union of European Federalists (UEF) welcomes the adoption by the European Parliament of the joint resolution “on a united response to recent Russian violations of EU Member States’ airspace and critical infrastructure”[1], which marks a significant step forward towards the creation of a European Defence Union.
The resolution was approved with a broad cross-party majority of 469 votes in favour, 97 against and 38 abstentions, including support from several opposition parties beyond the current pro-European majority.
This wide consensus reflects a growing understanding across the political spectrum that Europe’s security must be guaranteed through shared institutions, capabilities, and solidarity.
For the first time, the European Parliament explicitly states that “MEPs insist on the urgent need to move towards a genuine European Defence Union, building on and going further than existing frameworks such as the White Paper for European Defence and Readiness 2030”, and calls for:
- the establishment of a European command-and-control structure complementing NATO;
- a common logistics and intelligence framework;
- and the activation of Article 42(7) TEU, the mutual assistance clause, to ensure collective European action in the face of external threats.
Domenec Ruiz Devesa, President of the Union of European Federalists, stated:
“This resolution sends a clear political message: Europe must be able to defend itself.
The European Parliament’s call for a genuine European Defence Union, for a common command and logistics structure, and for the activation of Article 42(7) are not only technical measures — they are in line with the UEF’s political demands, as outlined in our 2025 Policy Paper on a Common European Defence[2] and the Memorandum on a European Defence Union of the “Action committee of the United States of Europe”[3].
These are essential intermediate steps towards a true European Defence Union.
The UEF strongly supports this cross-party commitment and urges Member States and the European Council to turn these words into an institutional reality by establishing shared structures and taking a federal approach to European defence. The treaties should also be reformed to ensure that the European Parliament can exercise democratic control over the European defence system, and unanimity should be abolished across the board in the European Council, particularly with regard to foreign and security policy, taxation, and the Multiannual Financial Framework.”
The UEF considers this resolution a major political signal of consensus across pro-European and opposition forces that Europe’s defence can no longer remain fragmented among 27 national systems.
Only by pooling sovereignty and resources within a federal framework can the European Union guarantee the security of its citizens, complementing NATO and contributing to global stability.
The UEF calls on European leaders to use this momentum to move from coordination to federation, ensuring that the European Union gains the democratic and institutional tools to act as a true geopolitical power.
Mathilde Baudouin
Secretary General of the UEF
[1] PR of the EP Parliament https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20251003IPR30664/call-for-a-unified-eu-response-to-russian-violations-and-hybrid-warfare-threats
[2] Read here https://federalists.eu/federalist-library/proposal-on-a-common-european-defence/
[3] Read here https://federalists.eu/campaign/re-launching-of-the-action-committee-for-the-united-states-of-europe/memorandum-on-european-defence-union/
The Union of European Federalists (UEF) has today sent a letter signed by the UEF President Domenec Ruiz Devesa and the Vice President Markus Ferber to all Members of the European Parliament, urging them to adopt a firm stance on the upcoming Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) 2028-2034 and to press for a Treaty reform under Article 48 TEU.
What the letter asks for
In the letter, UEF calls on Parliament to adopt a resolution that:
- Invites the European Commission to withdraw and replace its July 2025 MFF proposal, pursuant to Article 293(2) TFEU.
- Refuses to enter into consent negotiations or interinstitutional trilogue talks based on the current MFF package, unless significant changes are made.
- Conditions further engagement on a positive response by the European Council to Parliament’s prior resolution of 22 November 2023, which called for a Convention and Treaty reform under Article 48 TEU.
UEF argues that the existing MFF proposal risks renationalising Cohesion Policy, weakening shared management, under-funding European public goods (in areas like defence, critical technologies, green transition), reducing the role of EU own resources, and concentrating decision-making at the national level while diluting Parliament’s authority.
Significance of the action
This mass appeal is part of UEF’s broader strategy to ensure that the next EU budget and the architecture of EU governance align with federal, democratic, and accountable principles. By engaging directly with MEPs across political groups, UEF aims to build a cross-party coalition that demands:
- A strong EU-level financing framework, rooted in genuine own resources;
- A cohesion policy maintained as a union policy beyond purely national envelopes;
- A governance model preserving Parliament’s prerogatives and democratic oversight;
- A Treaty reform that allows Europe to evolve beyond unanimity blocks.
Domènec Ruiz Devesa (UEF President) and Markus Ferber (Vice-President) co-signed the letter, signalling the importance UEF places on both parliamentary engagement and structural reform.
What’s next
We will closely monitor how MEPs react and whether they respond with a resolution reflecting these demands. UEF will also engage national chapters and civil society networks to push for sustained momentum in the coming months.
Stay tuned for updates — your support and mobilization in your country will be essential.
We are pleased to announce that the Committee on Petitions (PETI) of the European Parliament has formally declared admissible UEF’s Petition No. 0456/2025 concerning the reform of the Treaty of Lisbon.
In its letter dated 26 September 2025, the PETI Chair, Bogdan Rzońca, confirms that the petition “falls within the European Union’s fields of activity” and that it has been accepted for further processing. The Committee has also requested that the European Commission carry out a preliminary investigation into the issues raised in the petition.
Moreover, owing to the constitutional character of the matter, PETI has referred the petition to the European Parliament’s Committee on Constitutional Affairs (AFCO) for additional examination.
This is a major step forward for our campaign Treaty Reform Now! and for democratic accountability in Europe.
The formal admissibility signals that the European Parliament is now officially engaging with the content of the petition, assessing the legal and institutional implications of the proposed Treaty reforms.
We will continue to provide updates and keep all supporters informed as the process unfolds.
We would like to share here the opinion signed by UEF President Domenec Ruiz Devesa and published in the Spanish review with the title: Democrata Informacion Parlamentaria.
Read here the original article in Spanish LINK HERE
In November 2023, the plenary of the European Parliament adopted an ambitious proposal for the reform of the EU Treaties. This project responded to the political and democratic mandate received following the Conference on the Future of Europe, an unprecedented exercise in citizens' deliberation which, through representative citizens' panels, called for a more effective, more democratic and more empowered Europe, in an increasingly complex and hostile geopolitical context. In short, they asked for more and better Europe.
Among the main innovations proposed were:
- the elimination of unanimity in many areas (including foreign policy)
- the strengthening of the European Parliament's legislative power
- the creation of shared competences in public health, energy, defence or education
- the affirmation of the rule of law as a binding basis for institutional functioning.
These reforms are not a federalist whim, but a functional necessity: we cannot enlarge the Union to 30 or 35 States with institutional structures designed for six, and subject to the permanent blockage of national vetoes. Vetocracy is not compatible with enlargement, nor with an effective Union.
The European Parliament's proposal triggered the ordinary reform procedure provided for in Article 48 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This article expressly recognises that the European Parliament - like the Commission and the Member States - has the right to submit proposals to amend the Treaties. Once a proposal has been submitted, the European Council must examine it and decide, by a simple majority, whether to convene a Convention to discuss it, whether to entrust an Intergovernmental Conference directly with the drafting of the new texts, or whether to ask Parliament to withdraw the proposal. Under no circumstances can it ignore the request for reform: it is obliged to deal with it.
This procedure has been followed correctly: the plenary of the Parliament approved a series of articulated amendments to the Treaties, and the Council, under the Spanish Presidency, formally transmitted the proposal to the European Council in December 2023. Since then, the European Council has not even acknowledged receipt, nor has it debated the issue, nor has it responded in any way. This silence is politically but also legally unacceptable, as well as grossly disrespectful to the parliamentary institution.
Although article 48 does not set a specific deadline for a reply, it is clear that a prolonged omission violates both the article itself and the principle of loyal cooperation enshrined in article 13(2) TEU, which states that "the institutions shall cooperate in good faith with each other". The absence of an explicit deadline in Article 48 TEU does not mean that the European Council can ignore the reform proposal indefinitely. According to the settled case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, when a legislative text does not set a specific deadline, it must be understood that the institution concerned is obliged to act within a reasonable period of time.
This doctrine, developed in particular in the context of Article 265 TFEU (action for failure to act), requires the institution called upon to act to define a clear position within an appropriate period of time, so that prolonged failure to act may give rise to legal liability. Moreover, this requirement is reinforced by Article 41 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, which guarantees the right of every person to good administration, including the obligation for the institutions to deal with matters within their competence within a reasonable time. Applied to the present case, the silence of the European Council since December 2023 constitutes a clear breach of this principle, all the more so in the case of an institutional proposal duly submitted by the Parliament.
Faced with this institutional stubbornness, the European Parliament has several avenues open to it. First, it can draw up an implementation report, i.e. a report assessing the institutions' compliance with primary law. This report can formally reiterate to the European Council that the reform proposal is still pending, and urge it to decide whether to convene the Convention or the Intergovernmental Conference.
It could also set a formal deadline for the European Council to act. If it fails to do so, Parliament could bring an action for failure to act under the aforementioned article 265 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), which allows an institution to be sued for failing to act when it is legally obliged to do so.
Beyond the legal level, the Parliament could also take a more political step: convene an interparliamentary conference, with the participation of national parliaments, to debate and eventually endorse the proposed amendments to the Treaty. This would not be a formal means of reform, but it would be an unprecedented act of democratic pressure in the face of the European Council's unconstitutional stubbornness.
The EU faces a dilemma: either it strengthens its democratic capacities, institutional effectiveness and citizen legitimacy, or it risks being trapped in its structural paralysis, in a world under the growing aegis of Putin, Trump, and Xi Jinping. Reforms are on the table. What is missing, for the moment, is the will to act, at least but to open the debate on the adoption of a new, more democratic and effective treaty. In other words, more federal.
We would like to share here the opinion signed by UEF President Domenec Ruiz Devesa and published in the Spanish newspaper Informacion with the title: Von der Leyen: ¿cambio de rumbo?
To read in Spanish here LINK or here below in English
President Von der Leyen arrived at the September 2025 State of the Union debate weakened by a poor start to her second term, particularly on her stance on Gaza, but also on the rather vassal relationship with Trump's United States, and the bizarre proposal for the Multiannual Financial Framework 2028-2034 presented in July. Against this backdrop, the Commission president declared "Europe's independence" and her willingness to work with the pro-European majority in the European Parliament. She made numerous announcements of plans, summits, initiatives, from cars to affordable housing, from support for the Mercosur agreement, to strengthening energy interconnections and battery production, to support for just transition in the framework of the Green Pact, to more protection for European steel, and all with a strong social accent (including the goal of eliminating poverty in Europe by 2050).
All very laudable but it remains to be seen how it will play out, given Germany's well-known penchant for the use and abuse of big announcements, and its overriding need to change the conversation around a number of important gaffes. Only on the Middle East is there a real change of course on the part of the European Commission.
Von der Leyen, after many, many months of thunderous silence and inaction, has finally taken the bull by the horns, proposing to (partially) suspend the trade dimension of Israel's Association Agreement with the EU. But as Josep Borrell points out, this measure, which has yet to be approved by member states in the Council (by qualified majority) is rather limited (imposition of tariffs worth some 230 million euros per year), and comes "50,000 deaths too late". It is also proposed to suspend funding for Horizon Europe and other programmes; and to sanction extremist Israeli ministers (this will be more difficult because it requires unanimity). Welcome correction but much more will be needed to stop the ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people.
On Ukraine, perhaps the only major area where the Commission and the High Representative have remained on track after the change of cycle, work is underway on the 19th sanctions package to accelerate the end of dependence on Russian crude oil, end the ghost tanker fleet, and limit Russia's trade with third countries. In addition, Von der Leyen announced a plan, the details of which are still unclear, to mobilise Russia's frozen financial assets to provide a 'reparations loan' to Ukraine, which is not to be repaid until the aggressor compensates for the damage it has caused.
That said, von der Leyen was unwilling or unable to propose a change of course on other key issues. He spoke of continuing to implement the Letta and Draghi reports on the internal market and competitiveness, but nothing about issuing common debt to finance investments and strengthen the euro as an international currency, as proposed by the former president of the European Central Bank. He defended tooth and nail the humiliating and damaging trade agreement (sic) with Trump, whose only justification is our dependence on Washington in military matters, but did not propose to create a Common European Defence, as foreseen in the Treaty, with a strategic and operational dimension, but more money for joint arms production.
He also re-emphasised his proposal for a multi-annual budget which, if approved as it stands, would mean the end of regional and cohesion policy as we understand it, completely marginalising the role of the European regions and the European Parliament in its design and implementation.
She also defended the enlargement of the Union without linking it to institutional reforms, which is unfeasible, beyond calling for an end to unanimity in foreign policy decision-making, without proposing any plan in this regard, or making any reference to the proposal for reform of the Treaties submitted by the European Parliament to the Council in November 2023.
At the moment, only the European Parliament has the power to provoke a real turning point that would restore the credibility of the integration project and its federal vocation. On the one hand, it can vote against the proposal to reduce European tariffs on US goods, arguably the most implausible part of the deal reached by Von der Leyen and Trump, when the EU must accept tariffs of 15 per cent on its goods. On the other hand, it can reject outright the proposed new Multiannual Financial Framework, asking for its return and negotiating on a new proposal and linking its final approval to the opening of the treaty reform procedure. It remains to be seen what majorities can be achieved on these issues in the coming days. Watch out.
The opening took place on September 7 with a round table at the Ventotene Town Hall, attended by Mayor Carmine Caputo and representatives of the organizations: Nikos Chircop (JEF Europe), Sara Bertolli (GFE), Melanie Thut (JEF Germany), Antonio Argenziano (UEF), Dora Bender (Challenge), Younes Ahmed (DFH Palestine), and Dvir Aviam Ezra (DFH Israel). The meeting, moderated by Moritz Hergl, was enriched by a video message from Tobias Flessenkemper, Director of the Youth Department of the Council of Europe.
In his speech, Caputo reiterated the value of the initiative for the island as a place not only of memory but also of building dialogue and peace. This message was echoed by the other speakers, who stressed the enduring relevance of the Ventotene Manifesto as a beacon of hope born during one of the darkest periods in human history, and now renewed by young people from Europe, Israel, and Palestine.
About thirty activists from Israel, Palestine, and various European countries are taking part in the Forum. Through workshops and shared training sessions, they explore federalism as an innovative framework to overcome divisions, strengthen dialogue, and propose lasting solutions to contemporary conflicts.
The aim is to create stable networks, promote intercultural understanding, and provide useful tools to be applied in their community and professional contexts, with a particular focus on the Middle East, but within a vision of global cooperation.
Press Release by JEF Europe on the Final Outcome
Pictures















Video of the Press Conference on the Italian Senate Place

Brussels, 10 September 2025 — One year after President Ursula von der Leyen called for an “ambitious reform agenda” to improve the functioning and legitimacy of the European Union, the Spinelli Group and the Union of European Federalists (UEF) express deep concern that no meaningful steps have been taken to deliver on those promises. The time for speeches is over. The time for action is now.
“Democracy is under enormous threat, also in the EU. The European Commission has failed to present any substantial initiatives to strengthen European integration, especially in the fields of security, defence and foreign policy. We call to deliver now, before it is too late. Time is overdue for a targeted reform to increase the EU’s capacity to act and by doing this to deliver for its citizens and strengthen democracy.”
— Gabriele Bischoff, MEP (S&D), Chair of the Spinelli Group
In 2024, both the Spinelli Group and the UEF welcomed President von der Leyen’s call to work with the European Parliament on a roadmap for reform—acknowledging that enlargement made institutional reform not only necessary but urgent. However, despite growing geopolitical instability, the European Commission and Council have failed to act. Instead, the Union is now perceived as weaker and fragmented, unable to protect its sovereignty or make credible choices on the international stage.
“Trump is not our ally, and contracts seem to bind only the opposing party. Instead, Europe must unite politically and develop its own Common Defence and strategic independence. Neither Putin nor Trump should set Europe’s strategic horizon. Europe must lead the free world by its own agency.”
— Domenec Ruiz Devesa, former MEP and President of the UEF
The European Union has been cornered into one-sided concessions—particularly with the United States—while failing to assert its own strategic interests. As highlighted in the Draghi report, Europe is facing an existential challenge: it must renew its governance and act swiftly to remain competitive, protect its citizens, and secure peace and democracy.
The Spinelli Group and UEF urge the European Parliament to rise to the challenge and lead the Union out of institutional inertia. As the only directly elected EU institution, Parliament must be the engine of a federal transformation—starting now.
READ HERE THE DECLARATION ONLINE
DOWNLOAD PDF THE DECLARATION HERE
The President of the Union of European Federalists (UEF), Domènec Ruiz Devesa, has sent a letter to all Members of the European Parliament, urging them to take decisive action in defence of European democracy and to ensure that the demand for Treaty reform under Article 48 TEU is not ignored.
Key messages of the letter
In his letter, the UEF President warns that the European Union is facing a historic moment:
- Global instability — marked by Russia’s war of aggression, conflicts in the Middle East, and rising authoritarian powers — makes a more effective and united Europe indispensable.
- Institutional paralysis — the unanimity rule and national vetoes prevent the EU from acting on defence, foreign policy, and economic competitiveness.
- Democratic legitimacy at stake — the European Parliament’s resolution of 22 November 2023, demanding Treaty reform and a Convention, remains ignored by the European Council, in breach of Article 48 TEU and the principle of loyal cooperation.
The letter calls on MEPs to defend the prerogatives of the Parliament and to use all available means — including budgetary leverage and political resolutions — to oblige the European Council to act.
Why this matters
The UEF stresses that without institutional reform, Europe risks losing its global relevance and its ability to protect the social model, environmental standards, and fundamental rights that define the Union. Moving towards a federal and democratic Europe is not only a political choice, but a necessity for the Union’s survival.
Next steps
This initiative marks another step in UEF’s continuous advocacy campaign at EU level. By directly addressing all MEPs, the UEF is mobilising parliamentary support for a stronger, more democratic, and more sovereign Europe.
We invite all citizens and organisations to amplify this call and join us in pushing for the opening of a Convention for Treaty reform.
We would like to share here the opinion-editorial (OP-ED) signed by UEF President Domenec Ruiz Devesa, former EU HRVP Josep Borrell, and President of the International European Movement and former MEP and Prime Minister of Belgium Guy Verhofstadt published in the following newspaper:
Le Soir, entitled "An appeal from Ventotene: federation or vassalage?" - LINK HERE
BeMorgen, entitled "Europa hoeft echt geen Amerikaans protectoraat te worden" - LINK HERE
Politico, entitled "It should be clear by now that Trump isn’t, and never will be, an ally" - LINK HERE
Le Nouvel Obs, entitles "Union européenne : « Devenir un protectorat américain n’est pas inévitable " - LINK HERE
Quotidiano Nazionale, entitles "Federazione europea o vassalli nazionali" - LINK HERE
Informacion, entitles "Un llamamiento desde Ventotene: federación o vasalización" - LINK HERE
HotNews.ro, entitles "Ar trebui să fie clar până acum că Trump nu este și nu va fi niciodată un aliat" - LINK HERE
ARTICLE TEXT IN FRENCH (LE SOIR)
C’est devenu une tradition pour les pro-européens de commencer l’année politique européenne à Ventotene, où Spinelli a rédigé le projet de Manifeste pour une « Europe libre et unie ». Se souvenir de l’esprit de Ventotene n’a jamais été aussi urgent : notre Union apparaît dangereusement fragmentée et faible dans un environnement interne et externe hostile. Avec seulement 5 % de la population mondiale et un écart économique croissant avec les autres grandes puissances, l’Europe est non seulement confrontée à un monde d’empires continentaux, de la Russie de Poutine aux Etats-Unis de Trump en passant par la Chine de Xi Jinping, mais aussi à un risque réel de devenir la vassale de l’Amérique. Cela est devenu évident après les concessions non réciproques faites à Trump en matière de dépenses de défense et de commerce, et l’acceptation d’un rôle subalterne dans la gestion de la guerre en Ukraine. De plus, le rôle de l’UE dans les conflits à l’étranger est largement insignifiant, de Gaza au Haut-Karabakh, soit par manque de crédibilité internationale, soit par manque d’unité.
Sur le plan intérieur, la deuxième Commission von der Leyen a décidé, contre toute attente, de renoncer au Pacte vert, son projet phare de la première, comme si le changement climatique ne s’aggravait pas, et de présenter un cadre financier pluriannuel décevant, sans réelle augmentation et au détriment de la politique de cohésion pour financer de nouvelles priorités en matière de produits et de recherche de défense. Pendant ce temps, l’extrême droite populiste eurosceptique et europhobe, amie de Poutine et de Trump, n’a jamais été aussi forte au sein des Etats membres et des institutions de l’UE.
De vaines concessions faites à Donald Trump
Les dirigeants actuels de l’UE souffrent d’un manque de vision politique à long terme, de leadership, d’unité et de capacité institutionnelle. Pour l’instant, une alliance improbable de sympathisants de Trump et d’atlantistes nostalgiques semble dominer le Conseil européen et la Commission. Ainsi, la ligne commune qui prévaut jusqu’à présent consiste à flatter et à apaiser le président américain, dans l’espoir de limiter les dégâts, ce qui renforce notre dépendance politique, stratégique et même économique à l’égard de Washington. Cette stratégie est peu efficace, car pour Trump, les contrats ne lient que l’autre partie, jamais lui. Accepter de consacrer 5 % du PIB à la défense et d’acheter davantage d’armes et de gaz naturel américains n’a pas renforcé son engagement en faveur de la sécurité collective, ni évité les droits de douane punitifs, ni renforcé le soutien à l’Ukraine. Il s’agit en grande partie d’une affaire purement transactionnelle, fondée sur l’avancement des gains économiques américains, des contrats miniers aux ventes d’armes, et sur la chance. Paradoxalement, l’absence d’engagement sérieux de Poutine en faveur d’un règlement négocié empêche Trump de parvenir à un accord aux conditions de Moscou.
Opter pour une ligne plus émancipatrice
Il devrait être clair désormais que Trump n’est pas, et ne sera jamais, un allié. L’Amérique de Trump constitue un choc géopolitique, économique et culturel majeur pour l’Europe. Cependant, devenir un protectorat américain n’est pas inévitable. Une autre voie existe, compte tenu notamment de l’indignation générale de l’opinion publique face à la série de concessions et d’humiliations auxquelles nous assistons. Le renouveau d’une majorité pro-européenne au sein des trois institutions, et en particulier au Parlement européen, pourrait changer de cap, passant de la vassalisation à l’autodétermination de notre destin. Le Parlement a le rôle constitutionnel de contrôler la Commission et d’exiger une nouvelle orientation, puisqu’il détient le pouvoir de la censurer. Pour commencer, il a le pouvoir de bloquer la réduction des droits de douane sur les produits américains, une mesure certainement populaire auprès des électeurs. Il devrait l’utiliser, montrant ainsi que l’Europe est capable de résister au chantage.
Libérer l’Union des contraintes de l’unanimité
De plus, nous devons renforcer notre union politique, surmonter la vetocratie qui permet à Orban de bloquer l’aide militaire de l’UE à l’Ukraine et construire notre propre système de défense, indépendant des Etats-Unis et susceptible d’instiller la peur au Kremlin. Une fois de plus, ces décisions seront très populaires auprès de la plupart des citoyens européens. Comme l’a déclaré Draghi, nous ne deviendrons pas une puissance géopolitique uniquement fondée sur la relance de notre compétitivité et de notre marché intérieur. Nous devons devenir une union fédérale, libérée des contraintes de l’unanimité et du manque de compétences en matière de politique étrangère et de sécurité. Les principaux Etats membres devraient prendre l’initiative d’engager immédiatement un processus visant à activer la clause de défense commune et à réformer les traités, en collaboration avec le Parlement, qui détient le droit de veto sur le budget. Sinon, une coalition de pays volontaires devrait lancer une nouvelle « Communauté européenne de défense », dotée d’une dimension parlementaire et budgétaire, et ouverte à tous les Etats membres souhaitant y adhérer. Si aucune mesure n’est prise et que nous attendons la prochaine crise pour improviser des décisions difficiles, l’Europe risque de mourir en tant que projet politique.
ARTICLE TEXT IN NETHERLAND (BEMORGEN)
Het zou inmiddels duidelijk moeten zijn dat Trump niet onze bondgenoot is en dat ook nooit zal worden
Guy Verhofstadt is oud-premier en voorzitter van de Europese Beweging Internationaal, Josep Borrell Fontelles gewezen hoge vertegenwoordiger voor de EU voor Buitenlandse Zaken en Veiligheidsbeleid, en Domènec Ruiz Devesa voormalig Europarlementslid en voorzitter van de Unie van Europese Federalisten. Ze betreuren het dat de huidige EU-leiders lijden onder een gebrek aan langetermijnvisie, leiderschap, eenheid en institutionele capaciteit.
De Europese Unie lijkt gevaarlijk gefragmenteerd en zwak te staan, door zowel interne verdeeldheid als externe vijandige krachten.Met slechts 5 procent van de wereldbevolking en een groeiende economische kloof met andere grootmachten staat Europa niet alleen tegenover een wereld van continentale imperia, van Vladimir Poetins Rusland tot Donald Trumps Verenigde Staten en Xi Jinpings China, maar loopt het ook een reëel risico een vazal van Amerika te worden.
Dat is duidelijk geworden na de eenzijdige concessies die aan Trump zijn gedaan op het gebied van defensie-uitgaven en handel, en na de acceptatie van een ondergeschikte rol in de omgang met de oorlog in Oekraïne. Bovendien is de rol van de EU in conflicten buiten onze grenzen grotendeels irrelevant, van Gaza tot Nagorno-Karabach, hetzij door een gebrek aan geloofwaardige internationale status, hetzij door een gebrek aan eenheid.
Binnen de EU heeft de tweede Commissie-Von der Leyen, paradoxaal genoeg, stappen gezet om elementen van de Green Deal – het vlaggenschipproject van de eerste Commissie – terug te schroeven. Dat gebeurt alsof de urgentie van klimaatverandering niet is toegenomen.
Daarnaast presenteerde ze een teleurstellend Meerjarig Financieel Kader, zonder significante verhogingen, waarbij het cohesiebeleid deels werd opgeofferd om nieuwe prioriteiten, zoals defensie en onderzoek, te financieren.
Ondertussen is de eurosceptische en eurofobe populistische extreemrechtse beweging, vrienden van Poetin en Trump, nog nooit zo sterk geweest in de lidstaten en de EU-instellingen.
Puur transactioneel
De huidige EU-leiders lijden onder een gebrek aan langetermijnvisie, leiderschap, eenheid en institutionele capaciteit. Voorlopig lijkt een onwaarschijnlijke alliantie van Trump-sympathisanten en nostalgische atlantici de Europese Raad en de Commissie te domineren. De tot nu toe overheersende lijn bestaat erin de Amerikaanse president te vleien en te paaien, in de hoop de schade te beperken, terwijl we daarmee juist onze politieke, strategische en zelfs economische afhankelijkheid van Washington vergroten.
De strategie werkt nauwelijks, want voor Trump binden contracten alleen de andere partij, nooit hemzelf. Instemmen met het uitgeven van 5 procent van het bbp aan defensie en het kopen van meer Amerikaanse wapens en aardgas heeft zijn inzet voor collectieve veiligheid niet vergroot, noch strafheffingen voorkomen, noch de steun aan Oekraïne versterkt.
Het is grotendeels een puur transactionele aangelegenheid geworden, gebaseerd op het bevorderen van Amerikaanse economische belangen – van mijnbouwcontracten tot wapenverkopen – en op toeval. Paradoxaal genoeg verhindert het gebrek aan serieus engagement van Poetin om een onderhandelde regeling te starten Trumps poging om een deal op Moskous voorwaarden af te leveren.
Het zou inmiddels duidelijk moeten zijn dat Trump niet onze bondgenoot is en dat ook nooit zal worden. Trumps Amerika vormt een enorme geopolitieke, economische en culturele schok voor Europa.
Vetocratie
Toch is het niet onvermijdelijk om een Amerikaans protectoraat te worden. Er bestaat een alternatief pad, mede gezien de algemene verontwaardiging in de publieke opinie over de concessies en vernederingen die we meemaken.
Het versterken van een pro-Europese meerderheid in de drie instellingen, en met name in het Europees Parlement, zou de koers kunnen veranderen: weg van vazallisering naar de zelfbeschikking over ons lot.
Het Parlement heeft de constitutionele rol om de Commissie te controleren en een nieuwe koers te eisen, aangezien het de macht heeft haar weg te stemmen. Om te beginnen heeft het de bevoegdheid om de verlaging van de tarieven op Amerikaanse producten te blokkeren – een maatregel die zeker populair zou zijn bij de kiezers. Het zou die moeten gebruiken en zo laten zien dat Europa in staat is zich tegen chantage te verzetten.
Bovendien moeten we onze politieke unie versterken, om de vetocratie te overwinnen die Viktor Orbán in staat stelt de militaire hulp van de EU aan Oekraïne te blokkeren en ons eigen defensiesysteem opbouwen. Een systeem dat niet afhankelijk is van de VS en dat angst kan inboezemen in het Kremlin.
Ook deze beslissingen zouden populair zijn bij de meeste EU-burgers. Zoals Mario Draghi zei, zullen we geen geopolitieke macht zijn louter door onze concurrentiekracht en interne markt te herlanceren. We moeten een federale unie worden die niet wordt beperkt door unanimiteitsvereisten of door een gebrek aan bevoegdheden in buitenlands en veiligheidsbeleid.
Coalition of the willing
Leidende lidstaten zouden het initiatief moeten nemen om onmiddellijk een proces te starten om de gemeenschappelijke defensieclausule te activeren en de verdragen te hervormen, in alliantie met het Parlement, dat de begrotingsmacht heeft. Anders zou een coalition of the willing een nieuwe Europese defensiegemeenschap moeten lanceren met een parlementaire en fiscale dimensie, open voor alle lidstaten die willen deelnemen.
Als we wachten op de volgende crisis om moeilijke beslissingen te improviseren, loopt Europa het risico als politiek project te sterven.
ARTICLE TEXT IN ENGLISH (POLITICO)
It should be clear by now that Trump isn’t, and never will be, an ally
Becoming a U.S. protectorate isn’t inevitable — especially given increasingly indignant public opinion over the series of concessions and humiliations we’re witnessing.
Josep Borrell Fontelles is the former EU high representative for foreign affairs and security policy. Guy Verhofstadt is a former prime minister of Belgium and president European Movement International. Domènec Ruiz Devesa is a former MEP and president of the Union of European Federalists.
It’s become tradition for pro-Europeans to chart their political course from Ventotene, where Altiero Spinelli wrote the manifesto “For a Free and United Europe.” Recalling that spirit has never been more urgent than it is now.
Our union appears dangerously fragmented and weak, stuck in a hostile internal and external environment. Home to just 5 percent of the global population and a widening economic gap with other major powers, Europe isn’t just facing up to a world of continental empires but is at real risk of becoming America’s vassal.
This became apparent after the nonreciprocal concessions made to U.S. President Donald Trump on defense spending and trade, as well as Europe’s acceptance of a junior role in handling the war in Ukraine. Moreover, from Gaza to Nagorno-Karabakh, the EU’s involvement in conflicts abroad has become largely irrelevant, either due to its lack of credible international standing or unity.
Domestically, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s second term has been counterintuitively marked by the undoing of the Green Deal — the flagship project of her first term — as if climate change isn’t getting worse. The Commission has also proposed an underwhelming Multiannual Financial Framework with no real increase, thus sacrificing cohesion policy to new priorities in defense products and research. Meanwhile, the Euroskeptic and Europhobic populist far right has never been stronger in member countries or EU institutions.
The current EU chiefs suffer from a lack of long-term political vision, leadership and unity.
For now, an unlikely alliance of Trump sympathizers and nostalgic Atlanticists appear to be dominating both the European Council and the Commission. Thus, the prevailing line has been to flatter and appease the U.S. president in the hopes of damage control, in turn fostering our political, strategic and even economic dependency on Washington — and it’s hardly working.
For Trump, contracts only bind the other party — not him. And far from avoiding punitive tariffs or strengthening his support for Ukraine, agreeing to spend 5 percent of GDP on defense and buy more U.S. weapons and natural gas hasn’t even increased his commitment to collective security. Instead, from minerals deals to weapons sales, this has largely become a purely transactional affair based on advancing U.S. economic gains — and luck.
Paradoxically, the lack of serious engagement from Russian President Vladimir Putin in starting a negotiated settlement is preventing Trump’s attempted delivery of a deal on Moscow’s terms.
It should be clear by now that Trump isn’t, and never will be, an ally. His America constitutes a huge geopolitical, economic and cultural shock to Europe. But becoming a U.S. protectorate isn’t inevitable — especially given increasingly indignant public opinion over the series of concessions and humiliations we’re witnessing.
There is an alternate path. A reinvigoration of a pro-European majority in the bloc’s three institutions — particularly the European Parliament — could still lead to the self-determination of our destiny. The Parliament has the constitutional role of controlling the Commission and could call for a new direction, as it holds the power to censure it. For a start, the Parliament could block the reduction of tariffs on U.S. products — a move that would surely be popular with voters and would signal that Europe’s readiness to stand up to blackmail.
Furthermore, we need to strengthen our political union, overcome the veto-cracy that allows Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbàn to block the EU’s military assistance to Ukraine, and build our own defense system — one that isn’t reliant on the U.S. and can instill fear in the Kremlin.
Once again, these decisions will be quite popular with most EU citizens. As former European Central Bank President Mario Draghi said, we won’t be a geopolitical power just by relaunching our internal market and competitiveness agenda. We need to become a federal union that isn’t constrained by unanimity requirements or a lack of proper competencies in foreign and security policy.
Leading member countries should immediately take the initiative to start activating its common defense clause and reform the Treaties in alliance with the Parliament, which holds the power to veto the budget. Otherwise, a coalition of the willing should launch a new “European Defense Community” with a parliamentary and fiscal dimension, and is open to all member countries interested in joining.
If no action is taken, and we wait for the next crisis to improvise on hard decisions, Europe as a political project risks dying.
ITA VERSION
Federazione europea o vassalli nazionali
La nostra Unione appare frammentata e debole in un contesto interno ed esterno ostile. L'America di Trump rappresenta un enorme shock geopolitico, economico e culturale per l'Europa. Tuttavia, diventare un protettorato americano non è inevitabile.
Riprendere lo spirito del Manifesto di Ventotene per un'Europa libera e unita non è mai stato più urgente. La nostra Unione appare frammentata e debole in un contesto interno ed esterno ostile. Con appena il 5% della popolazione mondiale e un divario economico crescente con le potenze mondiali, l'Europa affronta un mondo di imperi continentali, dalla Russia di Putin alla Cina di Xi Jinping. E corre il rischio di diventare vassalla dell'America di Trump, come mostrato dalle imposizioni sulla spesa per la difesa, i dazi e il commercio, e la subalternità rispetto all’invasione russa dell’Ucraina. Gli europei sono irrilevanti nei conflitti da Gaza al Nagorno-Karabakh, per mancanza di unità politica.
A livello interno, la seconda Commissione von der Leyen sta demolendo il Green Deal, il progetto di punta della prima, come se il cambiamento climatico non stesse peggiorando. Ha presentato un Quadro Finanziario Pluriennale deludente, senza un significativo incremento di risorse. L'estrema destra populista euroscettica ed eurofobica, amica di Putin e Trump, non è mai stata così forte negli Stati membri e nelle istituzioni dell'UE.
Le leadership nazionali ed europee non hanno una visione politica a lungo termine. Mancano leadership, unità e capacità istituzionale. Per ora, un'improbabile alleanza tra simpatizzanti di Trump e nostalgici atlantisti sembra dominare il Consiglio europeo e la Commissione. Pertanto, la linea prevalente è di adulare e compiacere Trump, sperando di limitare i danni, alimentando la nostra dipendenza politica, strategica e persino economica da Washington. Ma non funziona, poiché per Trump i contratti vincolano solo la controparte, mai lui. Accettare di spendere il 5% del PIL per la difesa e di acquistare più armi e gas naturale dagli Usa non ha aumentato il suo impegno per la sicurezza collettiva, né ha evitato dazi punitivi, né ha rafforzato il sostegno all'Ucraina. Paradossalmente, solo la mancanza di un serio impegno da parte di Putin nell'avvio di un negoziato sta impedendo a Trump di raggiungere un accordo alle condizioni di Mosca.
Ormai dovrebbe essere chiaro che Trump non è, e non sarà mai, un alleato. L'America di Trump rappresenta un enorme shock geopolitico, economico e culturale per l'Europa. Tuttavia, diventare un protettorato americano non è inevitabile, anche grazie all’indignazione dell'opinione pubblica per le umiliazioni subite. Esiste una via alternativa. Il rilancio di una maggioranza europeista nelle tre istituzioni, e in particolare nel Parlamento europeo, potrebbe cambiare rotta, passando dal vassallaggio all'autodeterminazione del nostro destino. Il Parlamento ha il ruolo costituzionale di controllare la Commissione e di chiedere una nuova direzione, poiché detiene il potere di censurarla. Ha il potere di bloccare la riduzione dei dazi sui prodotti statunitensi, una mossa sicuramente popolare tra gli elettori. Dovrebbe usarlo, segnalando così che l'UE è in grado di resistere al ricatto.
Soprattutto, dobbiamo rafforzare la nostra unione politica, superare l’unanimità, la vetocrazia che consente a Orbán di bloccare l'assistenza militare dell'Ue all'Ucraina e la creazione di un sistema di difesa europea, non dipendente dagli Stati Uniti e che possa deterrere il Cremlino.
Come ha affermato Draghi, non saremo una potenza geopolitica basata solo sul rilancio della nostra competitività e del mercato interno. Dobbiamo diventare un'unione federale non paralizzata dall’unanimità o dalla mancanza di poteri adeguati in politica estera e di sicurezza. Gli Stati membri dovrebbero immediatamente attivare la clausola di Difesa Comune e riformare i Trattati, in alleanza con il Parlamento che detiene il potere di veto sul bilancio. Se non si riuscisse, gli Stati disponibili dovrebbero lanciare una nuova "Comunità Europea di Difesa", con una dimensione parlamentare e fiscale, aperta a tutti gli Stati membri interessati. Se si aspetta semplicemente la prossima crisi, l'Europa rischia di morire come progetto politico.
* Josep Borrell Fontelles, ex Alto rappresentante dell'UE per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza
Guy Verhofstadt, ex Primo Ministro del Belgio, Presidente del Movimento Europeo Internazionale
Domènec Ruiz Devesa, ex eurodeputato, presidente dell'Unione dei federalisti europei
Roberto Castaldi, Segretario generale del Movimento Federalista Europeo