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We publish here the letter signed by the UEF President former MEP Domenec Ruiz Devesa sent today to the European Parliament President Roberta Metsola and EUCO President Charles Michel in view of the next EUCO meeting of the 17-18 October.

On 24th Ocotber the UEF Secretariat receved an answer from the Head of Cabinet Frederic Bernard.

GREEK VERSION

Brussels, 27th September 2024

Yesterday, the new board of the Spinelli Group sent a letter to the President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen to point out that the mission letters to the Commissioners-designate have made no reference to institutional reforms or the preparation to begin the Treaty reform process.

“Unfortunately, we regret to notice, that in your mission letters to the Commissioner-designates, no mention is made to institutional reforms or to the preparation of the Treaty change process, nor to the reform of the European electoral law, including the establishment of transnational lists.” 

As a transpartisan and pro-EU Integration network, the Spinelli Group expresses our deepest concern regarding these missing elements. In the words of the President of the Spinelli Group, Sandro Gozi:

"As President of the Spinelli Group, I promoted this letter. We want to say it very clearly to Ursula Von der Leyen: respect your commitment to treaty revisions. Reform the Union to unify Europe!"

Two years have passed since the end of the Conference on the Future of Europe, where citizens gave a clear mandate for EU Treaty reform. Additionally, it has been nearly a year since the European Parliament voted last November to call a Convention as a condition sine qua non to reform the Treaties.

Yet despite all this time and her candidacy relying on the votes of pro-European forces, President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen has not taken any actions to implement or begin discussions on institutional reforms, treaty changes, or reforms to European electoral law. The board of the Spinelli Group once again calls for the European Commission to be proactive in advocating for treaty reform, given its crucial role in playing the preliminary phases of the Treaty reform process (as seen in Article 48 of TEU).

This inaction comes at a difficult time for the European Union, given the flashing red lights coming from the EU economy and the growing electoral popularity of Eurosceptics who would tear down this union. As the Draghi report has shown, reform of the EU’s governance is needed to face the challenges of the moment, to improve its competitiveness, and to prepare for future enlargement. Inaction during this time of vulnerability within the EU is unacceptable given the breakdown of the rules-based international order and the return of war on the continent, the European Commission must step up and do more. For these reasons, the Spinelli Group fully intends to hold the Commissioner-designate accountable during their evaluation hearings to ensure that treaty reform is not forgotten. 

The signatories of the letter are the new member of the Board of the Spinelli Group, the MEPs Sandro Gozi (Renew Europe, France),  Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle (Renew Europe, Netherlands), Markus Ferber (EPP, Germany),  Brando Benifei (S&D, Italy),  Vivien Costanzo (S&D, Germany), Reinier Van Lanschot (Greens/EFA, Netherlands), Gabriele Bischoff (S&D, Germany), Petras Austrevicius (Renew Europe, Lithuania), Daniel Freund, (Greens/EFA, Germany), Klara Dobrev (S&D, Hungary),  Nikolaos Farantouris (The Left, Greece) and Domènec Ruiz Devesa (ex officio member, former MEP, President of the Union of European Federalists).

We re-publish here the article published in the Greek national newspaper TO BHMA, by MEP Nikolas Farantouris who has just been appointed as a member of the Board of the Spinelli Group for The Left component, on 19 September at the first meeting of the Spinelli Group in Strasbourg.

TRANSLATION IN ENGLISH

"I believe in a Left that does not indulge in introspection, internal conflicts, divisions and dogmatism", said SYRIZA MEP Nicolas Farantouris.

SYRIZA MEP and LEFT member Nicolas Farantouris was elected member of the Spinelli Group's Board of Directors. On Wednesday 18/9 on the sidelines of the Plenary Session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg, the Spinelli Group Board was constituted and held its first meeting.

In a statement from Strasbourg, Nicolas Faradouris stressed: "I feel great pleasure and honour as a Greek and European citizen, but also as the only MEP of the Left who participates in the Spinelli Group's Board. The legacy of Altiero Spinelli is the 'Left that gives birth', which steps forward with a vision for future generations, which embraces, which does not indulge in introspection, internal contradictions, divisions and dogmatism. I believe in this Left as a bulwark against the extreme right, for Europe and for Greece and for a new beginning of the process of European integration."

The Spinelli Group and federalism

The federalism movement or federalism is the political theory that advocates the federalization of the political and social organization of Europe. On 1 September 2024, on the initiative of the Spinelli Group, the Declaration on the revision of the Treaties was signed on the island of Ventone in Italy, where in 1941 Altiero Spinelli, imprisoned by the fascist Mussolini regime, wrote the "Manifesto for a free and united Europe".

After the end of the war Spinelli was actively involved in the creation of the European Union along with other pioneers of European integration, Robert Schuman and Jean Monnet.

Nicolas Faradouris is also a member of the European Parliament's Committees on Budgets, Environment, Public Health and Constitutional Affairs (Co-ordinator).

ORIGINAL IN GREECE

«Πιστεύω στην Αριστερά που δεν αναλίσκεται σε ενδοστρέφεια, εσωτερικές αντεγκλήσεις, διχασμούς και δογματισμούς» δήλωσε ο ευρωβουλευτής του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, Νικόλας Φαραντούρης.

Μέλος του Διοικητικού Συμβουλίου του Spinelli Group εξελέγη ο ευρωβουλευτής του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ και μέλος του LEFT Νικόλας Φαραντούρης. Την Τετάρτη 18/9 στο περιθώριο της Ολομέλειας του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου στο Στρασβούργο το ΔΣ του Spinelli Group συστήθηκε σε σώμα και πραγματοποίησε την πρώτη συνεδρίαση του.

Σε δηλώσεις του από το Στρασβούργο ο Νικόλας Φαραντούρης τόνισε: «Αισθάνομαι μεγάλη χαρά και τιμή ως Έλληνας και Ευρωπαίος πολίτης, αλλά και ως ο μόνος ευρωβουλευτής της Αριστεράς που συμμετέχει στο ΔΣ του Spinell Group. Η παρακαταθήκη του Αltiero Spinelli είναι η ‘Αριστερά που γεννά’, που μπαίνει μπροστά με όραμα για τις επόμενες γενιές, που αγκαλιάζει, που δεν αναλίσκεται σε ενδοστρέφεια, εσωτερικές αντεγκλήσεις, διχασμούς και δογματισμούς. Σε αυτήν την Αριστερά πιστεύω ως ανάχωμα στην ακροδεξιά, για την Ευρώπη και για την Ελλάδα και για ένα νέο ξεκίνημα της διαδικασίας ευρωπαϊκής ολοκλήρωσης».

To Spinelli Group και o φεντεραλισμός

Το φεντεραλιστικό κίνημα ή φεντεραλισμός είναι η πολιτική θεωρία που υποστηρίζει την ομοσπονδοποίηση της πολιτικής και κοινωνικής οργάνωσης της Ευρώπης. Την 1η Σεπτεμβρίου 2024 με πρωτοβουλία του Spinelli Group υπογράφηκε η Διακήρυξη για την αναθεώρηση των Συνθηκών στη νήσο Βεντοτένε της Ιταλίας, εκεί όπου το 1941 ο Altiero Spinelli συνέγραψε, φυλακισμένος απ’ το φασιστικό καθεστώς Μουσολίνι, το «Μανιφέστο για μια Ευρώπη ελεύθερη και ενωμένη».

Μετά το τέλος του πολέμου ο Spinelli συμμετείχε ενεργά στη δημιουργία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης μαζί με άλλους πρωτεργάτες της ευρωπαϊκής ολοκλήρωσης, τον Robert Schuman και τον Jean Monnet.

O Νικόλας Φαραντούρης είναι επίσης μέλος των Επιτροπών Προϋπολογισμών, Περιβάλλοντος, Δημόσιας Υγείας και Συνταγματικών Υποθέσεων (Συντονιστής) του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου.

On 18 September 2024, the first board of the Spinelli Group convened in Strasbourg (France).

There is enthusiasm and determination in the next steps to be taken in close cooperation with the Union of European Federalists, outside and inside the European institutions.

The priority will certainly be to catch the baton of the previous legislature in relaunching and demanding the Convention for the reform of the Treaties.

The new EP must certainly regain a decisive role and at this stage it must speak out loudly on European governance - catching up with last year's vote in November 2023 - and fight for a reform of the Treaties.

During the meeting every parliaments groups represented nominated Board members:

RENEW

• Sandro Gozi (France/Italy)
• Petros Austrevicius (Lithuania)
• Raquel GARCÍA HERMIDA-VAN DER WALLE (Netherlands)
• Lubica KARVAŠOVÁ (Slovakia)

GREENS / EFA

• Reinier van Lanschot (Netherlands)
• Benedetta Scuderi (Italy)
• Daniel Freund (Germany)
• Anna Strolenberg (Netherlands)

S&D

• Gabirele Bischoff (Germany)
• Brando Benifei (Italy)
• Vivien Costanzo (Germany)
• Klara Dobrev (Hungary)

EPP

• Markus Ferber (Germany) Vice-President UEF
• Lukas Mandl (Austria) President UEF Austria
• (still missing other 2)

The Left

• Nikolas Farantouris (Greece)

EX OFFICIO

• Domenec Ruiz Devesa (Spain), former MEP S&D, President of Union of European Federalists
• Guy Verhofstadt (Belgium), former MEP Renew, President of European Movement International

Please find here the link to the article “Il faut munir l’Europe d’une autre boussole” published on the La Libre Belgium. This article was written in French by Francisco Vigalondo, Domenico Rossetti di Valdalbero, Jean Marsia, and François Mennerat members of UEF Belgium.

Les questions de productivité et de compétitivité européennes (Rapport Draghi), de réindustrialisation de l’Europe (cf. Plan industriel dans le futur mandat d’Ursula von der Leyen) et d’achèvement du Marché intérieur (Rapport Letta) ont récemment animé les débats sur l’avenir de l’Union européenne. Mais pour qu’une union puisse résister aux aléas de l’histoire, il lui faut un sens qui aille audelà des questions matérielles, économiques et réglementaires. Un saut dans le passé peut nous éclairer.

En 1569, l’Union de Pologne-Lituanie formait l’un des royaumes les plus puissants et les plus prospères d’Europe. Cette union, la Rzeczpospolita constituait une sorte de république nobiliaire guidée par un roi élu par une assemblée de nobles qui tous, grands ou petits, avaient le même poids pour bloquer individuellement les décisions. La règle du liberum veto avait été conçue pour préserver un certain libéralisme aristocratique face au pouvoir central de la monarchie et pour promouvoir un consensus politique.

Malgré la vertu de ce système, sa mise en œuvre a laissé à désirer lorsque d’autres monarchies-États, fortement centralisées, ont émergé autour de l’Union et ont rivalisé avec elle.

La gouvernance qui avait permis de gérer, en interne, la résolution pacifique des conflits, s’est montrée incapable d’affronter efficacement les défis externes. L’Union manquait d’unité nécessaire pour guider son action politique en tant que corps social unique. Faute d’un sentiment de responsabilité partagée, les nobles polonais et lituaniens prenaient leurs décisions en fonction de l’intérêt de leurs familles et de leurs domaines personnels. Le marchandage des votes entre les nobles et l’ingérence des royaumes étrangers qui en profitaient pour influencer la gouvernance de l’Union, a progressivement fait gripper le système. L’Union des deux nations s’est divisée jusqu’à la perte complète de son autonomie étatique.

Mutatis mutandis, l’Union européenne (UE) d’aujourd’hui repose sur un système de régulation politique comparable au liberum veto de la Rzeczpospolita, en visant à répondre prioritairement aux besoins individuels des États-nations souverains.

Seulement une apparence de sens

La recherche permanente de consensus au sein du Conseil européen tient lieu d’unité de sens des mesures adoptées. Ce système a fonctionné de manière satisfaisante tant que la globalisation a été le phénomène prédominant des relations internationales et aussi long temps que les États membres poursuivaient un intérêt mutuel d’intégration économique. La stabilité obtenue grâce au pouvoir normatif (cf. l’extension du nombre de règles communes) a donné une apparence de sens aux politiques de l’UE. La globalisation est devenue la boussole de l’UE, union de sens et sens d’union.

Malheureusement, cette apparence de sens se volatilise inévitablement dès lors qu’il s’agit de prendre des décisions qui touchent le cœur des politiques étatiques, que la Russie agresse son voisin et que la concurrence s’intensifie avec des acteurs comme la Chine et les États-Unis. Une fois constatées les limites indéniables de la globalisation, ce que le paradoxe de Rodrik a énoncé en ces termes : “La démocratie, la souveraineté nationale et une intégration économique poussée sont mutuellement incompatibles : il est possible de combiner deux des trois possibilités, mais il n’est jamais possible d’avoir les trois simultanément et entièrement”, la nécessité de doter l’Europe d’une autonomie stratégique s’est révélée essentielle.

Les conclusions des rapports de Mario Draghi et d’Enrico Letta ne laissent pas l’ombre d’un doute à ce sujet. Or, la manière d’y parvenir sans avancée significative de l’intégration européenne est loin d’être claire. Car le paradoxe de Rodrik se traduit en géopolitique avec des paramètres spécifiques. Ici, le trilemme se trouve dans l’impossibilité d’atteindre à la fois l’autonomie stratégique, le libre-échange et la sécurité.

Ce paradoxe géopolitique explique pourquoi dans le cadre de la globalisation, où l’UE s’est concentrée sur le libre-échange et la sécurité (prospérité et paix), son autonomie stratégique s’est rétrécie en faveur des interdépendances économiques et normatives.

Le chemin de l’intégration différenciée, à laquelle l’UE s’est résolue depuis les années 1990, a favorisé la prédominance d’une logique intergouvernementale où le marché unique est régi par la loi (directives ou règlements) alors que les politiques relevant du pouvoir d’un État fédéral demeurent régies par une fragile coordination volontaire.

En cherchant à gagner d’abord dans l’autonomie et le libreéchange, l’UE a inévitablement dû affronter une perte dans le domaine de la sécurité, ce qui va au détriment de la raison d’être fondatrice de l’Union. Or, si on voulait plutôt relier autonomie et sé curité, le libre-échange et les rapports techno-normatifs sur lesquels il repose ne seraient plus capables de continuer à donner le sens de l’unité politique européenne.

Pas une cause mais une conséquence

La nature de ce paradoxe conduit à comprendre que la radicalisation croissante des choix politiques à l’intérieur des États membres comme au niveau européen n’est pas une cause mais une conséquence des dysfonctionnements du système politique européen.

Bien avant la guerre d’Ukraine, des personnalités politiques européennes comme Pascal Lamy, avaient déjà averti qu’une “volonté de puissance oblige l’Europe à se constituer en un espace politique, un demos européen”, en soulignant que “ce n’est pas le passage à une règle de majorité qui va faire qu’on va décider à la majorité d’une intervention militaire”.

Certes, la géopolitique est liée à la volonté de puissance des États, mais un grand pouvoir implique de grandes responsabilités. On ne peut pas attendre de l’UE qu’elle exerce des compétences étatiques dans les rapports de pouvoir internationaux sans assumer la responsabilité démocratique qui résulte d’une “relation constante entre les dirigeants et le peuple” comme l’évoquait Winston Churchill.

La notion éthérée d’“avancée dans l’intégration communautaire” doit laisser place à celle d’autonomie stratégique commune, désormais vraie nécessité, dont l’expression politique sera l’instauration d’une union fédérale européenne. Il faut munir l’Europe d’une autre boussole que celle de la globalisation, celle d’une “volonté de sens” en tant que corps social européen solidaire, qui guidera les choix à réaliser au-delà du seul libreéchange. Autrement, face à la volonté de puissance de la Russie, des États-Unis et de la Chine, l’Europe unie risque de connaître le destin de l’Union de Pologne-Lituanie.

Brussels, September 12, 2024

The lengthy report prepared by Mario Draghi on behalf of the European Commission was presented last Monday in a press conference in Brussels. The Report rings the alarm on the urgent need for the European Union to change its system and modus operandi in order to counter the constant slowdown in its growth and the decline in its productivity; a decline that is leading to a progressive impoverishment of the population and puts the European welfare state model and social cohesion at risk. Additionally, this trend comes with an implicit political risk that would see the European Union unable to guarantee its own security and leave it dependent on external powers in strategic technological sectors.

The Report stresses, through an in-depth analysis, the issue plaguing European development and proposes concrete and detailed measures to reverse the current trend and release the EU's enormous untapped potential. With the Report pointing out the strategic sectors to be developed in order to cope with the major transformations taking place currently in world trade, technological innovation, energy, and security.

Underlying the EU's weakness in these crucial areas are its fragmentation and its model of economic governance, which among other things, provides neither industrial policy nor funding instruments to make the huge investments that are needed at this stage, and is instead designed for an international framework that no longer corresponds to reality. These characteristics are severely holding back the EU and this affects, among others things, the cost of energy (electricity prices are 2-3 times higher than in the USA, with natural gas being an astonishing 4-5 times more expensive ), the scarce funding for research and development (256 million made available by the EU compared to 6 billion in the USA), alongside the specific lack of funding for research and development in the military field, which is essential for building an autonomous defence (10.7 billion euros invested in Europe in 2022 compared to 130 in the USA (2023 figures)). This is to say nothing about the root causes of the serious difficulties in the European labour market, the absence of a capital market at the European level, and the lack of investment that is estimated as at least 750-800 billion a year (or 4.4 - 4.7 % of GDP) compared to the current European budget of only around 1 % of GDP.

Given the significance and scale of this huge investment shortfall, the Report makes a number of proposals on how to find the necessary resources; with one of the most significant being to strengthen the EU budget and create a ‘common debt instruments’ modelled on the NGEU to finance long-term investment projects in R&I and defence procurement.

‘Draghi warns that Europe needs an amount of investment that is impossible to sustain without the creation of common debt instruments,' says Domenec Ruiz Devesa, former MEP and President of the Union of European Federalists. ‘At the moment there is only the NGEU, but it is only provisional and as the Report says it should be extended and multiplied in various areas for long-term investments.  If the member states are in favour of new common debt instruments there is an opportunity to create the fiscal capacity for the EU’s continued development under the democratic control of the European Parliament. This would be a step forward that would make treaty reform and the creation of the basis for true European sovereignty inevitable'. 

Transformations in governance is an integral part of the Report; it is very clear that they are its conditio sine qua non, due to the choices to be made, the decisive actions that need to be implemented, alongside the problem of finding the financial resources. However, it is here that the weakness of the European Commission's position on this issue emerges. 

With Draghi seemingly having limited himself to reiterating previously prepared reforms by the European Council, despite his repeated statements given in his personal capacity going further, in which he repeatedly emphasised the need for a political union of a federal nature at the European level. Treaty reform is not taken into consideration, and the Report speaks about the possibility of advancing without reforming the treaties through the passerelle clauses or through enhanced cooperation – which, unfortunately, are two totally ineffective and difficult to use instruments. Perhaps in light of these issues, Draghi proposes a third, alternative option which is the possibility of moving forward in a group of willing States outside the Treaties, similar to what happened with the Fiscal Compact.

The Report thus takes into account the impossibility of advancing all 27 countries together simultaneously, and instead argues for a concentric circle structure. However, the unwillingness to address the issue of a reform of the Treaties (due to significant resistance on the part of the member states and the European Commission itself) implies that the European Commission and member states are unwilling to tackle these issues so as to ensure that a shared European sovereignty does not emerge.

As federalists, we want to stress that the European Council has the solutions to address these systemic issues, having received last December a request from the European Parliament to open a Convention to democratically discuss how to build this new Europe. The European Council has the possibility and the power to decide by simple majority (14 out of 27 states) to accept this request and create the conditions to start that process of change in the EU, which the Draghi Report shows as absolutely necessary and urgent.

We therefore call on the European Parliament to rise to the challenge, demand that the European Commission side with the Parliament and the citizens to overcome the attachment of national governments to their small and inefficient power that is leading Europe to self-destruct. 

As Draghi reminds us, the moment is dramatic and if Europe does not change, it is over. 

We need courageous actions equal to the danger we are running.

RELATED

• Press Conference Ursula von der Leyer and Mario Draghi LINK HERE
• Draghi interventions The Next Flight of the Bumblebee: The Path to Common Fiscal Policy in the Eurozone LINK HERE

By: Sara bertolli e Simone Cantarini | EURACTIV Italia

TRANSLATION

The president of the Union of European Federalists (UEF), Domènec Miguel Ruiz Devesa, makes a clear statement on the issue of EU enlargement, stressing the importance of a process conditioned by structural reforms. In an interview with Euractiv on the sidelines of the 43rd edition of the Ventotene Training Seminar, organised by the Altiero Spinelli Institute for Federalist Studies, the former Spanish MEP from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) stressed that ‘enlargement cannot be unconditional. It must go hand in hand with the deepening of political union'. This view emphasises the need to reform the European Treaties and to overcome current limitations, such as the unanimity rule, to ensure a more effective and cohesive Union in view of future challenges.

What is the position of the Union of European Federalists (UEF) on the prospect of EU enlargement?

We are absolutely in favour of enlargement. Europe offers opportunities to peoples and to everyone, therefore, no country can be excluded. That said, enlargement cannot be unconditional. It must be an enlargement that goes hand in hand with the deepening of political union, because otherwise it is not possible (to move forward), for example with the unanimity rule in the Council. Very clearly, we cannot have a European Parliament with static powers, with such an enlargement, a Parliament that still cannot approve taxes to finance the EU budget or that cannot decide on debt issues, now that we have created the European debt. So enlargement yes, but also deepening, that means a federal reform of the treaties.

In the wake of the proposed reform of the Treaties already launched by Parliament, is there a prospect for the new legislature to relaunch the work that has been done by the Constitutional Affairs Committee?

The work has been done, therefore, Parliament does not have to make another report. Instead, a Parliament resolution calling on the European Council to respond to the proposal made by the Eurochamber almost a year ago, in November last year, would be useful. This (step) must be taken because the European Council cannot refuse to take into account the proposal of the EU Parliament.

Is there indeed this window of opportunity to recall the Council with the majorities that will be created also in the perspective of a Franco-German leadership crisis? Is there a solid enough majority in Parliament with which to lobby on this front?

I would say yes, because it is true that we have a Parliament that is more to the right than the previous one - with a strengthening of the extreme right - although fortunately not enough to become a majority, not even to become a blocking minority. At the same time, the European People's Party (EPP), which is a pro-European force, has also strengthened. The same majority that gave rise to the re-election of President von der Leyen, made up of Populars, Socialists, Liberals and Greens, is the same majority that must be able to recall the European Council. Moreover, it is a position of the European Parliament that does not expire with the new Eurochamber.

What are the prospects for action of the UEF in this new legislature?

We have made many initiatives - I think useful - to call the European Commission to support us, because until now the European Commission had been somewhat ambiguous on the issue of treaty reform and now it has become a political priority.

The EU Commission had so far not been clear about the idea of treaty reform. Since some political groups, such as the Liberals, have made it a condition of support for the new Commission that it support the reform proposed by the Parliament - or at least show willingness - this issue has therefore been included as part of the new Commission's ‘policy priorities’.

The battle with the European Council still remains. We have already sent two letters to Charles Michel (President of the European Council) who replied ‘yes, don't forget, we started the discussion as part of the European Council's strategic agenda’. This is fine, but we have to put it on the agenda for a decision.

As UEF we should now look to the new President of the European Council, Antonio Costa, to relaunch this issue in a few months' time.

ORIGINAL VERSION

Il presidente dell’Unione dei federalisti europei (UEF), Domènec Miguel Ruiz Devesa, si esprime con chiarezza sulla questione dell’allargamento dell’Unione europea, sottolineando l’importanza di un processo condizionato da riforme strutturali. In un’intervista rilasciata ad Euractiv a margine della 43esima edizione del Seminario di formazione di Ventotene, organizzato dall‘Istituto di Studi Federalisti Altiero Spinelli, l’ex europarlamentare spagnolo dell’Alleanza progressista dei socialisti e democratici (S&D), ha sottolineato che “l’allargamento non può essere incondizionato. Deve andare di pari passo con l’approfondimento dell’unione politica”. Questa visione mette in evidenza la necessità di riformare i Trattati europei e di superare le attuali limitazioni, come la regola dell’unanimità, per garantire un’Unione più efficace e coesa in vista delle sfide future.

Qual è la posizione dell’Unione dei Federalisti Europei (UEF) sulla prospettiva dell’allargamento dell’Unione europea?

Noi siamo assolutamente favorevoli all’allargamento. L’Europa offre opportunità ai popoli e a tutti, quindi, non si può escludere nessun Paese. Detto questo, l’allargamento non può essere incondizionato. Deve essere un allargamento che vada di pari passo con l’approfondimento dell’unione politica, perché altrimenti non è possibile (andare avanti), per esempio con la regola dell’unanimità nel Consiglio. Molto chiaramente, non possiamo avere un Parlamento europeo con poteri statici, con un allargamento così grande, un Parlamento che ancora non può approvare le tasse per finanziare il bilancio dell’Unione europea o che non può decidere sulle emissioni di debito, ora che abbiamo creato il debito europeo. Quindi allargamento sì, ma anche approfondimento, questo significa una riforma federale dei trattati.

Sulla scia della proposta di riforma dei Trattati già lanciata dal Parlamento, c’è una prospettiva per la nuova legislatura di rilanciare il lavoro che è stato fatto dalla commissione Affari costituzionali?

Il lavoro è stato fatto, quindi, il Parlamento europeo non deve fare un altro report. Sarebbe invece utile una risoluzione del Parlamento che richiami il Consiglio europeo a rispondere alla proposta fatta dall’Eurocamera oramai quasi un anno fa, a novembre dell’anno scorso. Questo (passo) deve essere fatto perché il Consiglio europeo non si può rifiutare di tenere conto della proposta del Parlamento UE.

Vi è effettivamente questo spiraglio di richiamare il Consiglio con le maggioranze che si andranno a creare anche nella prospettiva di una crisi di leadership franco-tedesca? C’è una maggioranza abbastanza solida in Parlamento con cui poter fare pressione su questo fronte?

Io direi di sì, perché, è vero che abbiamo un Parlamento che è più a destra di quello precedente – con un rafforzamento dell’estrema destra – anche se fortunatamente non sufficiente per diventare maggioranza, nemmeno per diventare una minoranza di blocco. Allo stesso tempo si è rafforzato anche il Partito popolare europeo (PPE) che è una forza europeista. La stessa maggioranza che ha dato vita alla rielezione della presidente von der Leyen, formata da popolari, socialisti, liberali e verdi, è la stessa maggioranza che deve essere in grado di richiamare il Consiglio europeo. Inoltre, è una posizione del Parlamento europeo che non scade con la nuova Eurocamera.

Quali sono le prospettive di azione dell’UEF in questa nuova legislatura?

Noi abbiamo fatto tante iniziative – credo utili – per richiamare la Commissione europea a sostenerci, perché finora la Commissione europea era stata un po’ambigua sulla questione della riforma dei Trattati e ora è invece diventata una priorità politica.

La Commissione UE fino ad oggi non si era sbilanciata chiaramente in merito all’idea di una riforma dei Trattati. Siccome, alcuni gruppi politici, come quello liberale, hanno posto come condizione per appoggiare la nuova Commissione il suo sostegno alla riforma proposta dal Parlamento – o almeno una dimostrazione di disponibilità – questo tema è stato quindi inserito come parte delle ‘policy priorities’ della nuova Commissione.

Rimane sempre la battaglia con il Consiglio europeo. Abbiamo già inviato due lettere a Charles Michel (presidente del Consiglio europeo) il quale ci ha risposto ‘sì, non ci dimentichiamo, abbiamo iniziato la discussione nel quadro dell’agenda strategica del Consiglio europeo’. Questo va bene, ma bisogna metterlo all’ordine del giorno per una decisione.

Come UEF dobbiamo ora puntare tra qualche mese sul nuovo presidente del Consiglio europeo, Antonio Costa, per rilanciare questo tema.

Deadline: 22nd September 2024

The Union of European Federalists (UEF) is recruiting a Policy Officer to work in the Secretariat based in Brussels.

Main Tasks:

• Support the Secretariat and the Executive Board in drafting policies (e.g. policy papers, press releases, statements, contribution to surveys and research);
• Support the development and implementation of the advocacy strategy of UEF;
• Support the representation and promotion of UEF towards external partners (European institutions, pro-European NGOs  etc.);
• Support the federalist advocacy actions of UEF and its sections;
• Support UEF sections in developing their capacities regarding policy and advocacy;
• Support in policy monitoring on themes linked to the strategic priorities of UEF;
• Conceptualization and planning of projects (grant writing, content, budget, logistics);
• Responsibility over events implementation: organization of international meetings and political events where needed;
• On demand, there might be support requested on occasion for different tasks to help colleagues, distribute workload and meet the targets of the organisation together as a team.

Essential qualifications and qualities:

• Master’s degree is an asset but can be compensated with relevant working experience adequate for the position;
• Excellent command of English (C1);
• Extensive knowledge of EU institutions and processes;
• Interest in European topics relevant to UEF;
• An activist mindset and strong commitment to social change and the values and vision of UEF ;
• Being passionate about membership-based political organisations and volunteering;
• Proactive and problem-solving mindset, with strong organisational and time management skills;
• Flexibility and willingness to learn into new things quickly on the job;
• Team player and comfortable in an international environment;
• Organised and precise approach to work;
• Good knowledge of Microsoft Office , collaborative tools and videoconferencing tools.

Desiderable:

• Excellent command of French (C1) and working knowledge of other EU languages.
• Experience in European project management is an asset;
• Knowledge of UEF organization, its network, values, structure, mission, activities;
• Previous experience in membership-based and/or political organisations (volunteer experience included).

Contract conditions and remuneration:

• 12-month fixed-term contract under Belgian law, with the possibility of extension;
• Full-time, 38 hours/week;
• Monthly gross salary €1,995 plus additional benefits (€50 for public transportation, food vouchers, holiday pay) – equaling approx. to 2,000 EUR net remuneration per month;
• Work during weekends and/or evenings several times a year, with time off in lieu as compensation. The position requires some travels in Europe several times during the year, and all travel-related expenses will be covered or reimbursed by UEF.

Application procedure and agenda:

• Send a CV and a motivational letter by September 22nd 2024, 23:59 CET at secretariat@federalists.eu;
• All applicants should have the right to live and work in Belgium;
• Successful candidates will be invited for online and face-to-face interviews (from the 10th to the 30th);
• The selected candidate would ideally start working on the 1st October 2024;
• For all questions, please contact us at secretariat@federalists.eu.

Ventotene, 3 September 2024

On the 1st and 2nd of September 2024, in the municipality of Ventotene, representatives of the Union of European Federalists, Association Jean Monnet, the Young European Federalists, the Spinelli Group, as well as significant political figures signed the Partnership Agreement for the re-launch the Action Committee for the United States of Europe.

The first action committee, founded in 1955 by Jean Monnet, was an organization dedicated to promoting European integration and the concept of a united Europe. Established in response to the failure of the European Defence Community, the committee, often called the "Monnet Committee," aimed to gain the support of major European political forces, both in government and in opposition, and of the social partners, to support the community ideal.

The partnership was signed by Domènec Ruiz Devesa (former MEP, UEF Europe President), Sandro Gozi (MEP, Chair of the Spinelli Group), Thijs Reuten (MEP, Spinelli Group), Christelle Savall (JEF Europe President), and Philippe Laurette (Association Jean Monnet President).

The partnership was endorsed by Josep Borrell (High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Vice-President of the European Commission), Klaus Welle (Former Secretary-General of the European Parliament, Martens Centre’s Academic Council Chair), Stefano Castagnoli (Altiero Spinelli Institute President), Guy Verhofstadt (former MEP, European Movement International President), Luisa Trumellini (Secretary General of Movimento Federalista Europeo), Giulia Rossolillo (UEF Europe Vice-President), and Roberto Sommella (Associazione Nuova Europa).  

Also present was Martì Grau Segu, Head of Service and Curator House Jean Monnet, where the new Action Committee plans to undertake a number of activities.

"It's better to be prepared for the next crisis, be pro-active instead of just waiting for the next event." said Josep Borrell Fontelles, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission.

"We need a powerful network of high profile personalities to support the process of federal reform of the Treaty." stated President of the Union of European Federalists, Domènec Ruiz Devesa.

"This is an action committee, which will focus on actions so that we can hasten the construction of the enlarged federal Europe." said Christelle Savall, President of the Young European Federalists.

"We have to be critical of what the Union lacks, in order to improve it. Enough hiding behind the idea that criticizing the EU leaders only helps its enemies." stated President of the European Movement International, Guy Verhofstadt.

The first meeting of the new Action Committee, after its launch back in May, took place on the 2^nd of September 2024, with the presence of the representatives of the Jean Monnet House, European Movement Italy, Movimento Federalista Europeo and Istituto di Studi Federaliasti Altiero Spinelli, additional to the signing organizations.

RELATED LINKS

Visit of Josep Borrell Fontelles, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, to Italy

Visit of Josep Borrell Fontelles, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, to Italy: intervention at the inaurgural Confence of the 40th Ventotene International Seminar

Read here the Speech of the HRVP Josepp Borrell, HERE

Read the Press Release about the launch of the Action Committee HERE

PRESS CONTACT
Ilaria Caria
Secretary-General
secretariat@federalists.eu