The “Altiero Spinelli” Institute of Federalist Studies (ASI) and the Municipality of Ventotene has been organizing an international seminar on the island of Ventotene for 41 years, in partership with the Union of European Federalists and JEF Europe. In the same period the Ventotene Italian Seminar (43 edition) is organized.
This island off the Italian coast is the place where Altiero Spinelli, author of the Federalist Manifesto of Ventotene, was imprisoned during the Second World War. Every year, young federalists gather here to discuss federalist ideas on European and global issues with the leading experts of the European and World Federalist Movement. The seminar is a unique and intense experience on federalist studies.
Here we are building the future of Europe!
APPLICATIONS
- Application forms must be submitted online by June 25, 2025.
- Applications submitted by candidates older than 35 years will not be taken into consideration.
The form to apply is this LINK
For any request here, send an email to: director@istitutospinelli.org
ADMISSION
By July 15, the ASI will select the participants and will provide them with detailed information concerning the procedure for confirmation, the program, and how to reach Ventotene.
PARTICIPATION CONDITIONS
A) CONDITIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL PARTICIPANTS
Participants (with the exclusion of Italian participants)
Selected participants will receive, without any cost, full board and accommodation from lunch on
August 31 to lunch on September 5 (included).
Travel expenses will NOT be reimbursed. With advanced booking it will be possible to fly to Rome or
Naples (the closest airports) with low–cost flights from many European airports.
Seat Deposit
A seat deposit of 100 € shall be paid in advance by both European and non-European participants,
once they have been selected, in order to confirm their participation. The full amount of 100 € will be
returned to each participant at the end of the seminar, provided that s/he will have attended all sessions. Instructions for providing the funds will be given in the notice of acceptance. The deadline for
the payment of the deposit is July, 24. The deposit might be returned to participants who eventually
will not take part in the Seminar but only if they communicate to the ASI their impossibility to participate before July, 30.
Participants will be invited to provide the details (Beneficiary, IBAN code, BIC/SWIFT code) of the bank
account where the reimbursement will be transferred.
B) CONDITIONS FOR ITALIAN PARTICIPANTS TO THE INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR
The conditions for Italian participants are the same designed for the participants of the national seminar (150 € participation fee and 70% travel reimbursement up to a maximum reimbursement of 50 €: for more info, see the “Bando” on the ASI website). Participants selected to take part in the seminar
shall pay the participation fee of 150 € before July, 24. No seat deposit is requested. The fee might be
returned to participants who eventually will not take part in the Seminar only if they communicate to
the ASI their impossibility to participate before July, 30. Participants will be invited to provide the details
(Beneficiary, IBAN code) of the bank account where the reimbursement of travel expenses will be
credited.
C) WORKING LANGUAGE
English will be the working language for the international seminar.
Here below the presentation realized by Tina Zournatzi, Head of Unit, Communication, Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs
Deadline for applications: 08-06-2025
Union of European Federalists (UEF) is an independent, transnational, political organisation with 27 section members representing 20.000 individuals members. The goal of UEF is the creation of a democratic European federation as a crucial ingredient for peace, a guarantee for a more free, just and democratic society and a first step towards a world federation.
More information can be found here in our website dedicated sections "who we are" and "what we do".
As appointed officer and legal representative, the Secretary General works full-time for the organisation at the European Secretariat in Brussels and is responsible, under the oversight of the Executive Bureau, for:
- Human resources and team management of the European Secretariat (5 people)
- Fundraising, partnership development and communication with a diverse range of donors
- Project writing, planning, implementation and reporting
- External representation (European Institutions, NGOs, etc.);
- Organisation of statutory meetings and liaising with member sections;
- Financial management of the organisation (together with the Treasurer).
The Secretary General should have:
- understanding of and interest in European politics and affairs;
- be familiar with federalist thinking and values;
- a master´s degree in political science, international relations, law, economics, or project management;
- experience in NGO work, ideally on a European level and/or in UEF network;
- experience in project management is an asset, especially in projects on the European level;
- experience with institutional fundraising is an asset, especially with EU institutions and the Council of Europe;
- experience with and/or motivation to work on diversification of funding;
- excellent language skills, fluency in English is a precondition, any other European languages and especially French is considered a strong asset;
- excellent communication and presentation skills;
- experience with financial management and bookkeeping is an asset;
- excellent knowledge of MS/OpenOffice and online communications (collaborative tools, social media);
- experience with human resources management and team management is an asset as well as leadership skills;
- ability to work independently and to manage different competing priorities and responsibilities;
- ability to work with, engage with and create synergies with a wide range of stakeholders;
- ability to work with and reporting to the President and the Executive Bureau, and to collaborate with a Europe-wide network of volunteers;
- the willingness to undertake frequent travels;
- the sensibility to work in a multilingual and multicultural environment;
- strong commitment to non-discrimination and fostering diversity, equity and inclusion;
- flexibility and willingness to learn into new things quickly on the job.
The applicant should show flexibility, initiative, personal commitment and motivation to support the activities promoted by the organisation. UEF offers an interesting position in an international environment and a high degree of independence in day-to-day work. UEF will issue a work contract under Belgian law, limited for 1 year renewable, to follow the congresses timing, including a trial period of 4 months, preferably starting from the 1st July 2025 (exact date to be defined based on the availability of the candidate).
Salary conditions are to be agreed upon depending on experience and include additional benefits as public transport and meal vouchers. As minimum salary: gross 3.900 euro.
The Secretary General is entitled to 20 days of holidays as well as time off in lieu as compensation for work during weekends.
Application procedure:
The application procedure will consist of 2 rounds.
In the first round, the applicant is requested to send their CV, motivation letter (in pdf) as well as to share a project proposal including a budget as a single PDF document (A4 – 3 pages maximum in total) on a topic – matching the priorities of UEF and its work with sections.
In addition, recommendation letters are welcome.
In the next round, candidates will be notified within a week and invited by the Hiring Team for an interview taking place in Brussels.
Deadline for applications: 08-06-2025
Please send your application in English by e-mail to the UEF Secretariat at secretariat@federalists.eu and to the UEF President - Domenec Ruiz Devesa- at president@federalists.eu.
In the title, indicate “Application for Secretary General of UEF”.
Any questions should be addressed to the current Secretary-General – Ilaria Caria – at secretariat@federalists.eu
In view of the 80th anniversary of the end of the Second World War and the 75th anniversary of the 9th May Declaration, the reconstituted Monnet Action Committee for the United States of Europe calls for launching a Second Schuman Plan, thus paving the way for a Common Defence and Security, and a European Federation, as envisaged already in 1941 by the Ventotene Manifesto.
This Declaration by the Action Committee for the United States of Europe has been supported by personnalities from politics, culture, think tanks and civil society organisations. Before its publication here, it has been published as an Opinion Article in the following newspapers and think-thank:
- Libération
- Quotidiano Nazionale
- Euractiv Europe
- Euractiv Spain
- Euractiv Italy
- La Testata
- Emerging Europe
Brussels, 9th May 2025
The German poet Friedrich Hölderlin wrote: “Wherein lies the danger, grows also the saving power”. And indeed, a new European citizen´s spirit is emerging across the Continent. We witnessed it on the 15th of March 2025, from Rome to Tbilisi, in Budapest, Bucharest, Belgrade, and in many other cities across Europe, and also today in Brussels and other European capitals. Support for European integration is high according to the latest Eurobarometer. It is a popular sentiment to defend peace, democracy and multilateralism, against imperialism, authoritarianism, and trade wars, and in support of the Ukrainian resistance and the European ideal. Citizens understand that today the EU, like at the time of Brexit, is under threat from Putin and Trump, and its European minions. The European people is expressing a strong attachment to the European project and our common culture, but it is also calling for concrete actions to ensuring our own security and defence, our competitiveness, our social model, and stronger political unity and capacity to act.
The EU institutions, and particularly its national governments, must provide an answer which is commensurate to the great geopolitical challenges we are facing, and the demands of the citizens. In fact, 75 years ago, the Schuman Declaration already stated that “world peace cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it”. This sentence strongly resonates in our time. The document also proposed an “action [to] be taken immediately on one limited but decisive point: (...) that Franco-German production of coal and steel as a whole be placed under a common High Authority, within the framework of an organization open to the participation of the other countries of Europe”.
We believe that the setting up of a European Common Defence is today the clear and decisive point to be tackled in the European construction. This step is now a necessity, in view of Trump´s transatlantic security disengagement. On the 12th of March 2025, the European Parliament called the European Council to activate the different provisions of article 42 of the Lisbon Treaty to the said effect.
Such an important decision will pave the way for the creation of an autonomous European Defence and Security System (EDSS), endowed with its own chain of command and in charge of territorial defence, acting as the European pillar of NATO or otherwise in compatibility with it. Such an EDSS will not be dependent on the will and whims of the current US President, and it will operationalize the mutual assistance clause foreseen in article 42.7 of the Treaty.
We also need a larger EU budget financed with Eurobonds and new own resources collected by the Union, to provide for our common defence and security needs and other European public goods, including the fight against climate change, among other critical challenges. A renewed European financial framework should include the creation of investment instruments allowing EU citizens to directly channel their savings for these purposes.
We must remind Member States that a true European defence and security framework cannot be reduced to the different national rearmament proposals currently on the table, which could also result in waste and inefficiencies if not properly coordinated at the EU level. Moreover, security is multidimensional and should include tackling hybrid threats, cybersecurity, espionage and sabotage, etc. Finally, there will not be a proper European Defence and Security Union without the required political, strategic, and operational dimensions (planning, command-and-control, etc.)
At the same time, the proposed step can generate strong political spill-over effects in European integration, including the opening of the process to reform the Treaties in accordance with the Parliament´s proposal of November 2023. We must emphasize that any viable EDSS also requires overcoming as soon as possible the national vetoes and the intergovernmental approach, thereby ensuring the proper parliamentary and democratic control of the said security architecture. This is why we suggest the adoption of a “Union Act” comprising the parallel activation of articles 42.2 (on common defence) and 48 (on constitutional reform) of the Lisbon Treaty as a common package.
Therefore, we propose to all supportive Member States, the European Parliament, and the European Commission, call on the European Council to adopt the proposed “Union Act”. The said governments shall make it clear that they will proceed to activate the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), foreseen in article 46 TEU, for the establishment of the autonomous EDSS if there is no quick unanimous agreement among the Twenty-Seven Member States. This institutional PESCO shall remain open to all Member States willing to join.
At the most dangerous geopolitical moment in Europe since 1945 we must not fall below the ambition mustered on the 9th of May 1950. The EU must live up to Europe.
Download the Declaration here: DECLARATION PDF.
You can find the list of signatories to this link: SIGNATORIES.
You can support the Declaration to this link: SUPPORT.
We would like to draw your attention to three articles published in three Spanish newspapers signed by the President of the UEF and former MEP,, Domenec Ruiz Devesa, by the President of UEF Spain and former President of the European Parliament, Enrique Baron Crespo, with the following co-authors Mario Regidor Arenales, Presidente de UEF Canarias y Ex-Concejal del Ayuntamiento de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (La Informacion), Carles Arqués, Presidente de UEF Comunitat Valenciana (Canarias 7), and Leopoldo Tolivar, Presidente del consejo Asturiano del Movimiento Europeo (El Comercio).
Original article in Canarias 7 here
Signed by Domènec Ruiz Devesa, Enrique Barón Crespo, Mario Regidor Arenales
Ayer toda Europa conmemoraba el 80 aniversario del final de la II Guerra Mundial, y hoy celebramos el Día de Europa y los 75 años de la Declaración del 9 de mayo. Estos dos acontecimientos, la derrota del nazismo, y la visión de Schuman y de Monnet, abrieron, respectivamente, la vía al orden multilateral basado en reglas, y a la construcción de la unidad europea, pero también al mundo bipolar y al fin de la hegemonía de los imperios europeos sobre el resto del mundo.
Hoy, el orden de 1945, reforzado en 1989, está seriamente cuestionado por Putin y Trump, es decir por las dos potencias que lo construyeron, sobre todo los EEUU, pero también por Netanyahu, potencias revisionistas como Irán, Corea del Norte, o China, y por otras razones, por muchos líderes del llamado Sur Global que aspiran a otro reparto del poder global y a una reforma del multilateralismo.
En cierto modo, la unificación federal europea es ahora aun más necesaria que en 1945. Entonces la integración supranacional era necesaria para poner fin a las guerras entre europeos, y para crear un mercado común que sustentara nuestra prosperidad económica. No es poca cosa, con todas las imperfecciones que se quieran sacar a relucir.
Pero si queremos preservar nuestro modelo social y nuestra seguridad, una Europa más unida y más fuerte es imprescindible para garantizar nuestra supervivencia como sujeto de la Historia en la nueva geopolítica mundial. La Historia o se hace o se sufre. Somos una parte mucho más pequeña de la población y la economía del planeta que hace ochenta años. En 1950 la actual UE representaba el 14% de la población mundial. Hoy representa el 5%. En 1970 el PIB de la UE-27 representaba el 25% de la economía mundial. Hoy constituye el 7,7%.
Ya no contamos con el apoyo de nuestro aliado tradicional, Putin amenaza nuestra seguridad desde el Este, y corremos el riesgo de perder la carrera tecnológica respecto a China y Estados Unidos. Europa debe ser un actor geopolítico, más cohesionado internamente desde el punto de vista institucional, y capaz de organizar su seguridad y defensa y de proyectar poder hacia el resto del mundo, en defensa de sus valores e intereses. Pero este nuevo orden también puede ser una oportunidad para Europa, que ya no sería solo libre y unida, sino también independiente, constituyendo un cuarto polo no imperialista, dedicado con otros países y regiones del mundo a preservar el comercio internacional y el orden multilateral.
Esto supone un cambio cultural en la construcción europea. La UE nació como un proyecto de paz cosmopolita, es decir lo contrario de la política del equilibrio de poderes, las esferas de influencia, o de la política de potencia. La construcción europea desde los años cincuenta se mira al espejo y ve a Kant, no a Maquiavelo. No por casualidad hemos construido juntos un gran mercado y una moneda, no un ejército común. Este modelo floreció en la inmediata posguerra fría, con el momento unipolar, la protección estadounidense, la reunificación de Europa, la expansión de la globalización, el multilateralismo, y la democracia.
Pero desde la invasión a gran escala de Ucrania y la vuelta de Trump ya no vivimos en ese mundo, que no volverá, incluso cuando aquel acabe su mandato en 2029. En consecuencia, Europa debe organizar su propio sistema de defensa, que ya no puede depender exclusivamente de la OTAN, pero sí puede ser su pilar europeo. Pero esto requiere poner a disposición ingentes recursos, evitar el riesgo de una colección de rearmes nacionales sin coordinación, y crear una cadena de mando europea, como ha propuesto Draghi.
Carecemos de capacidades suficientes en inteligencia, comunicaciones, misiles de largo y medio alcance, sistemas de defensa antiaéreos y un largo etcétera. Tampoco disponemos de los 300.000 soldados que se necesitan para la defensa territorial de Europa si los estadounidenses se retiran del continente. Colmar estas lagunas requiere no menos de 230.000 millones de euros adicionales al año y no bastará con emitir de nuevo deuda europea si no acordamos a la vez como vamos a amortizarla, porque además hay que invertir más en innovación, reindustrialización, y transición ecológica y digital. No puede haber deuda sin impuestos, ni política de defensa europea a costa del Estado del Bienestar.
En efecto, Europa hasta ahora se ha caracterizado por su potencia comercial, normativa, y hasta monetaria. En estos tres cuartos de siglo hemos unido muchas dimensiones de nuestra vida económica, social, y política. Pero hay dos elementos esenciales del poder de los que carece Europa: ejército y tributos. Así nacieron los estados modernos, que disponían de la capacidad de recaudar impuestos para financiar las campañas militares. Pero también las federaciones, que siempre se dotaron de una fuerza para defenderse del enemigo exterior, y de unos impuestos para financiarla, como hizo Hamilton en los Estados Unidos. Por tanto, el establecimiento de un Sistema de Defensa Europeo va a requerir una unión política más estrecha, porque ya sabemos que hay monedas sin estado, incluso estados sin ejército, pero no ejércitos sin estado o al menos sin una federación. Todo ello sin olvidar que la política de defensa no consiste únicamente en proveerse de un ejército y armas, sino en estar preparados a nivel de ciberseguridad y prevención de emergencias para hacer frente a nuevas formas de guerras híbridas.
Por supuesto, no podemos ni debemos olvidar lo que ha supuesto para Canarias la integración de España en el sistema económico y político de la Unión Europea. Los Fondos de Cohesión, el Fondo Social Europeo, los fondos FEDER de Desarrollo Regional han contribuido a que regiones y ciudades hayan incrementado su PIB acercándonos a una redistribución de la riqueza que han contribuido a disminuir las desigualdades sociales y económicas que imperaban en Canarias desde la época de la dictadura franquista.
La condición de Región Ultraperiférica (RUP) referido en el artículo 349 del Tratado de Funcionamiento de la Unión Europea al igual que el respeto a nuestro Régimen Económico y Fiscal (REF) consagrado en nuestro Estatuto de Autonomía han constituido un acicate de inestimable ayuda para un mejor desarrollo económico y social del archipiélago contribuyendo a reducir nuestra tasa de desempleo estructural y fortaleciendo el nivel formativo de la ciudadanía canaria, todo ello en un sistema político que debe seguir ahondando a nivel nacional y europeo en una federalización ahora más necesaria que nunca donde la cesión de soberanía hacia una entidad supranacional como es la Unión Europea redunda en el beneficio para las diferentes regiones de los 27 países miembros.
Article in La Informacion, here online version
signed by Domènec Ruiz Devesa, Enrique Barón Crespo, Carles Arqués
Presidente de la Unión de los Federalistas Europeos (UEF) y exeurodiputado; Presidente de UEF España y Expresidente del Parlamento Europeo; Presidente de UEF Comunitat Valenciana
Article in El Comercio, here online version
signed by Domènec Ruiz Devesa, Enrique Barón Crespo y Leopoldo Tolivar
Presidente de la Unión de los Federalistas Europeos (UEF) y eurodiputado / Presidente de UEF España y expresidente del Parlamento Europeo / Presidente del Consejo Asturiano del Movimiento Europeo
Here the the video recording of the meeting
The Union of European Federalists welcomes the publication of the Draft Report on the Institutional Aspects of the Report on the Future of European Competitiveness, authored by MEP Brando Benifei (former Chair of the Spinelli Group) in his role as rapporteur for the European Parliament’s Committee on Constitutional Affairs.
This report builds on Mario Draghi’s comprehensive analysis of Europe’s competitiveness and delivers a strong political message: the EU’s ability to compete globally and safeguard its social, environmental, and democratic values depends on bold institutional reform.
The draft supports core federalist proposals, including:
- A shift towards stronger supranational governance,
"Supports the analysis that [...] all this can be achieved only if the EU urgently reorganises its institutional and economic governance, abandons fragmented national approaches and strengthens refocused, accelerated and simplified supranational decision-making at EU level, in order to act more efficiently and effectively where it matters most, as a true global actor."
(Point 2, General considerations)
2. Extension of qualified majority voting in key policy areas,
"Reiterates its call to go beyond unanimity and move as soon as possible to QMV and the ordinary legislative procedure in all policy fields, in order to have more streamlined and decisive decision-making, including on social, fiscal and economic policies, digitalisation, the green transition and defence."
(Point 8, Refocusing, accelerating and simplifying the work of the EU)
3. The establishment of a permanent EU fiscal capacity,
"Stresses the urgent need to establish a full and permanent fiscal capacity for the EU, building on the features of NextGenerationEU; highlights, in this regard, the importance of creating common European instruments, such as eurobonds, to finance strategic joint investments in European public goods and services."
(Point 22, Building a permanent European fiscal capacity)
4. Completion of the Single Market and the Capital Markets Union,
"Calls for the European single market to be completed and the remaining barriers to access to be overcome [...] and for economic growth, social, economic and territorial cohesion, and cultural exchange to be promoted within the EU."
(Point 16, Completing the European single market)
"Calls for the development of a European integrated capital market through a newly established SIU, building on the incomplete CMU [...], providing better financing opportunities for European companies while fostering the EU’s economic growth and competitiveness."
(Point 18, Completing the European single market)
5. A genuine European Energy Union and Defence Union,
"Calls [...] for a permanent European green sovereign fund, directly financed through EU own resources, a reformed European Investment Bank (EIB) [...] and a green transition authority within the Commission."
(Point 23, Shaping a European energy union)
"Calls [...] to achieve the goal of a European defence union, to overcome the fragmentation of the European defence industry and to improve the consistency between existing and future instruments, including at the level of governance, in order to ensure effective democratic control of the new defence union."
(Point 24, Creating a European defence union)
6. Treaty reform in line with the conclusions of the Conference on the Future of Europe.
"Recalls the conclusions of the CoFE, in particular the need for treaty reform; and urges the Commission and the Council to take concrete and timely steps to follow up on these recommendations."
(Point 10, Refocusing, accelerating and simplifying the work of the EU)
Importantly, this work also reflects the active input of federalist experts. Giulia Rossolillo, Vice-President of the Union of European Federalists, Luca Lionello, Chair of UEF's Political Commission 1 on Federalist Strategy for a Federal Reform of the EU, and Alejandro Peinado, Secretary General of UEF Spain, all contributed to the preparatory work of the report. Their involvement is a concrete sign of the influence and relevance of the federalist movement in shaping the institutional future of the Union.
This draft report represents a major step forward for all who believe in a stronger, democratic, and sovereign Europe. It is now crucial for the European Parliament and Member States to act on its recommendations — and move forward with the political courage needed to complete the European project.
The Union of European Federalists reaffirms its full support for these proposals and calls on all European institutions to translate them into action.
Europe of Landscapes and Gardens. What European Policies for Garden and Landscape Heritage?
Yes, for centuries, landscapes have been one of the markers (historical, cultural, and political) of the European continent, and the garden, a constituent element of these landscapes, allows us to understand them in a privileged way.
Co-organized by the Maison Jean Monnet, the European Institute of Gardens and Landscapes, and the Association Paradeisos - European Gardens, this event will bring together European personalities, practitioners, specialists, and researchers who will discuss the cultural, political, and environmental issues related to the (re)cognition, conservation, and enhancement of European landscape heritage.
The President of the Union of European Federalists, Domènec Ruiz Devesa has particpated on this International Dialogue with a speech titled "The Island of Ventotene: Public Recognition of a Historical Landscape Linked to European Construction" on 25th of April.
Find out more here: LINK.
Brussels, 11 April 2024
The 146-page “Responsibility for Germany” Coalition Agreement (in brief Agreement) was presented on 9 April 2025 by the representatives of the Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (CDU), Christlich-Soziale Union in Bayern (CSU) and Sozial Demokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) after close to a month of negotiations. The compromise package is intended to form the basis for cooperation between the three parties, which would build the German Federal Government for the next four years. As the most populous Member State and the one with the highest GDP among the 27, Germany should embrace its specific position within the EU in a manner that serves the entire Union.
The fifth of six chapters focuses on “Europe” that starts with these words “The EU is a guarantor of freedom, peace, security and prosperity. These values are under intense pressure from historical changes. The times demand courage, determination and European responses. Our country can only have a positive future with a strong and democratic EU. We will exploit every possibility to strengthen the EU's capacity for action and strategic sovereignty.”
According the three coalition parties, German interests are very much intertwined with European interests. “Germany is poised to take on more responsibility in and for Europe, as declared by the future government. This is a positive development and long overdue.” declared Christian Moos, the Secretary General of Europa Union Deutschland (EUD).
The European Federalists welcomes this document because it shares a common vision of strengthening Europe's defence capabilities, as issued by the recent Memorandum on a European Defence Union (in brief Memorandum) published by the Action Committee for the United States of Europe, that was sent to the main European policymakers at 5th March 20251 in view of the upcoming meeting of the European Council on 6th March, the Plenary of the European Parliament of 10th March, and the publication of the White Paper on Defence on 19th March, 2025.
Many elements of the Coalition Agreement are in convergence with the Memorandum showing that the German coalition’s political stances are in line with the aspiration of the European Federalists. Here below the main points of convergences:
1. Advancing a European Defence Union
Both documents promote the strategic autonomy of the European Union and support closer cooperation with NATO while building a robust European defence pillar.
The agreement acknowledges NATO’s continued role as the cornerstone of collective defence for many EU members (“For many Member States, NATO remains the guarantor of collective security.”) but advocates for the creation of the European Pillar of the NATO.
2. Standardisation, interoperability and joint defence industrial cooperation
Both plans stress the importance of harmonising weapons systems and operational standards to improve battlefield effectiveness and reduce inefficiencies. There is strong agreement on the need to overcome industrial fragmentation in Europe and to encourage joint investment, R&D, and procurement of European-made defence technologies.
The Coalition Agreement and the Memorandum support expanding the EU's operational capabilities, encouraging:
- A stronger European defence industry cooperation,
- The development of key technologies
- Joint defence projects among Member States
- A unified European defence market with coordinated export rules
Both documents highlight the strategic importance of space, cybersecurity, AI, and advanced technologies in Europe's future defence architecture.
2. Strategic use of Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO)
PESCO is presented as a key tool in both documents for enabling a core group of member states to deepen integration in security and defence. In the Agreement is written that PESCO projects have to strengthen “European strategic sovereignty".
The agreement strongly emphasizes solidarity with Ukraine and strengthening European defence to protect freedom and peace: this implies a political commitment to collective security.
3. European financing instruments for defence
Both documents advocate for the use of EU-level funding and new financial tools to support defence spending, including exempting such investments from deficit rules under the Stability and Growth Pact.
But Germany reaffirms its commitment to fiscal prudence, opposing the permanent mutualization of debt within the EU. While supporting existing recovery instruments such as NextGenerationEU, the coalition emphasizes that extraordinary financial tools must remain temporary and exceptional.
However, Merz has requested that the German constitutional brake on debt be removed in order to launch a major investment plan for defence and infrastructure (potentially more than one trillion euros) that will allow Germany to grow economically to the benefit of other EU countries and increase its defence capacity.
4. Support for Ukraine as a shared security frontier
Each text recognises Ukraine’s defence as central to European security and the international rules-based order.
5. Deepening European Institutions: Openness to Treaty reform (Article 48 TEU)
While the Memorandum urgently calls for reforming the EU treaties to remove veto powers and increase integration, the coalition agreement states:
“Where necessary, we are open to treaty changes under Article 48 TEU.”
— signalling a cautious yet notable openness to legal and institutional reforms.
The coalition supports the use of “passerelle clauses” which would allow moving beyond unanimity voting in decision-making to the qualified majority in certain political areas and encourages closer cooperation among willing member states.
The followings points of the Memorandum are absent in the Coalition Agreement:
- No reference to a permanent 28th European Army in the German coalition agreement
The Memorandum calls for the establishment of a new European Army as part of a European Defence System (EDS). This idea is absent from the coalition text.
- Lack of nuclear deterrence integration
While the Memorandum advocates Europeanising France’s nuclear capabilities with shared funding, this is not addressed by the German Coalition.
The Union of European Federalists welcomes also two points that are in line with our political request to the EU Member States Governments.
1. Clear Support for EU Enlargement but with Institutional Deepening in parallel
The coalition expresses strong political backing for the accession of Ukraine, Moldova, and countries of the Western Balkans. Germany proposes a step-by-step integration process for candidate countries, including partial participation in EU programs.
Institutional reforms are seen as a necessary parallel step to ensure the EU’s capacity to absorb new member states. The UEF calls on governments, national politics, and European institutions to tackle the EU capacity to enlarge with its last statement “Is the European Union at risk of losing the enlargement battle as well?” approved in Budapest, 16 November 2024.
2. Reforming the European Parliament’s Electoral Law
The Koalitionsvertrag 2025 explicitly endorses the introduction of transnational electoral lists as part of a broader effort to strengthen democratic legitimacy and political discourse at the European level. The new coalition government commits to supporting a uniform European electoral law that includes transnational lists, with the aim of fostering a truly pan-European democratic space.
This position aligns with UEF's advocacy during the last European elections and with the Resolution of December 12, 2023, on the European Elections 2024, for which UEF President Domenec Ruiz Devesa served as Rapporteur during his term as an MEP from 2019 to 2024.
"The Union of European Federalists very much welcomes the clear commitment of the coalition partners for a stronger and more integrated European Union. On a European Defence Union, we noticed in many points similarities with our recent Memorandum on European Defence Union by the Action Committee for the United States of Europe." says Domenec Ruiz Devesa, President of the UEF and former MEP.
“The position of the coalition agreement on the necessary institutional reforms also follows the positions that the UEF and its national sections have been calling for some time: there cannot be enlargement without deepening. To go faster in these very versatile and unstable times of emergency and to create trust among member states, it is necessary to use all the possibilities relying in the Treaties, but sooner or later it will be necessary to open up the reform of the Treaties according to art. 48 as requested by the European Parliament in November 2023”.
The coalition treaty between the CDU, CSU, and SPD includes calls and commitments for a more autonomous and capable European Union, emphasizing 'strategic sovereignty' for Europe, particularly in response to current geopolitical challenges. These positions align closely with those of the UEF.
The goals are ambitious and promising. Germany has the potential to bring new momentum and drive the necessary deepening of the European Union. The coalition treaty has raised hopes and expectations. The challenge now is to translate these words into action.
You can read here the German version.