SPEECH OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UEF SANDRO GOZI DURING THE FEDERAL COMMITTEE IN ROME
Rome, 23rd November 2019
Sometimes the course of our lives depends on what we do or don’t do in just a few seconds—a heartbeat—when we either seize the opportunity or let it slip by. Miss that moment, and the chance may never come again.
Aidan Chambers, Dying to Know You
In Europe, we often speak of turning points. And while it is all very well to talk about turning points, one can only truly recognize such moments in retrospect. This is why in Europe we so often talk about crucial, precious moments that we have missed: the European Defence Community, the Spinelli Treaty, the Constitutional Treaty—just to mention a few. How many times have we said: we missed the chance, we missed the boat?
I don’t want to remake history. Even less do I believe we can completely reshape today’s European reality. But I do believe we must not miss the next boat. As some sailors say, “We can’t change the direction of the wind, but we can adjust our sails to always reach our destination.” Well, our next boats are:
- The new political cycle which is just about to start
- The European Conference on the Future of Europe
New Political Cycle:
- The premises were good in July: Ursula von der Leyen’s speech before her election was, and still is, a good manifesto.
- The follow-up has not been brilliant: we’ve gone through tough institutional tensions which started the day after the European elections.
- Today, we can start again, but we need to show the necessary strength and determination.
I believe our priorities are clear. Just to mention a few:
- Europe as a green power
- Governance of the eurozone and investment policy
- Security and defence
- A European social union
- New migration and asylum policies
- Rule of law and equal opportunities
- Innovation and youth
But this means very little after all. When, how much, how strong—these are still open questions. From our perspective, I am convinced that federalism has never been so necessary and so adequate; it is the answer to the issues of our time. Yes, we need a sovereign, democratic, and powerful Europe:
- Sovereign Europe versus the crisis of national politics
- Powerful Europe versus unilateralism
- Democratic Europe versus neo-nationalism
- Sovereignty and "Take Back Control"
At the center of the commitment taken—at least in words—let’s turn words into deeds. See von der Leyen’s speech. - A Powerful Europe versus Unilateralism
Security requires integration. That means a comprehensive approach and conscious mobilization of an entire range of policy instruments in a coordinated whole. This includes, among others:
- External trade
- Development cooperation
- Humanitarian aid
- International environmental policy
- International police, justice, and intelligence cooperation
- Immigration
- Foreign policy and the promotion of EU values
Security means prevention, which requires meaningful engagement for the long term and dealing with issues at the earliest possible stage.
Security must be addressed within a global scope, as we Europeans have a duty to share responsibility for global security.
Security must be based on a new multilateralism: dialogue, bargaining, cooperation, but without excluding coercion. We cannot be naive; we must act in the real world, where there are many states and societies far from this post-modern approach.
This brings us to the last, but perhaps most important issue for Europe today and for Europe in 2030:
The New Definition of Power
The EU was conceived as an antidote to the traditional power of 19th- and 20th-century nation-states and empires. Today, the EU must accept that it must develop into an effective power. We will not abandon our ethos, but this development from civilian to hard power is necessary because both types of power are sorely needed.
Around these concepts—which are not new but are necessary—we can and must build a new EU strategic culture.
When asked what had been the most difficult problem in his first year at Downing Street, UK Prime Minister Harold Macmillan replied, “Events, dear boy, events!” Since 1989, and especially since 2001, events have often outpaced the capacity of politicians, even strong ones, to determine their precise course. This has been particularly true for our Union.
Aujourd’hui, le débat
J’étais à Berlin quelques jours après la chute du Mur de Berlin, en novembre 1989.
Beaucoup a déjà été écrit. Pour moi, il reste impossible de trouver les mots pour décrire l’euphorie, l’espoir, l’élan que cet événement avait suscité parmi la jeunesse européenne dont je faisais partie. Nous respirions l’histoire, nous vivions un changement d’époque.
Et le changement est arrivé, bien fort...! Nos générations ont été les premières à vivre pleinement en tant qu’Européens et à vivre « en direct » l’unification européenne. Mais tout ne s’est pas passé comme nous l’avions pensé. D’autres analystes bien plus qualifiés se sont déjà exprimés à maintes reprises là-dessus.
Je crois donc qu’il est plus utile aujourd’hui de voir ce qui n’est pas arrivé, ce qui n’a pas été décidé, et de poser certaines questions épineuses mais incontournables.
Cela fait déjà 65 ans qu’on discute de l’Europe de la défense et nous connaissons tous le prix payé suite à l’erreur historique des gaullistes et des communistes français avec le rejet de la Communauté européenne de la défense en 1954. Depuis, nous avons avancé à petits pas. Dans les cinq dernières années, nous avons accompli des pas significatifs: projets communs de défense, initiative de groupes de pays, et même un fonds européen pour la défense. Très bien... pas de doutes.
Mais c’est là que réside le problème: le contexte lui-même que nous devons repenser et changer.
Je comprends donc les mots très forts employés par Emmanuel Macron lorsqu’il parle de « mort cérébrale de l’OTAN ». Certes, cela peut déplaire à certains. Pourtant, les propositions sérieuses de réforme de l’Union sont accueillies avec parcimonie, pour employer un euphémisme. Et pendant ce temps, « l’allié » Trump a laissé seuls les Européens dans l’effort de renouveler le multilatéralisme et l’idée d’une société mondiale organisée.
Pour honorer vraiment un événement historique comme la chute du Mur de Berlin, nous devons prouver que nous avons le sens de l’histoire.
Et l’histoire nous dit que les Européens risquent l’extinction politique dans un monde globalisé. Nous pouvons feindre l’ignorance ou nous bercer dans des discours creux sur la souveraineté nationale. Mais la civilisation européenne risque l’extinction politique dans un monde qui pourrait se réinventer entre Pékin et Washington. Et la seule voie pour rester vivants et protagonistes est la construction d’une puissance européenne.
Il faut bien nous entendre: l’alliance avec les États-Unis reste nécessaire.... mais elle n’est plus suffisante!
Non, elle ne l’est plus. Nous devons construire une nouvelle architecture de sécurité européenne pour répondre au révisionnisme russe, au néonationalisme turc, et aux défis en Afrique et au Moyen-Orient. La Turquie représente aujourd’hui l’un des principaux problèmes européens, que ce soit du point de vue de l’OTAN ou de l’UE.
Abandonnons la fausse sécurité du statu quo. Et commençons à débattre et à décider comment nous voulons assurer notre sécurité et notre influence dans les 30 ans à venir.
Democratic Europe versus Neo-nationalism
- Powers of the European Parliament
- Transnational lists and transnational politics
- Smaller, smarter Commission
Conference on the Future of Europe:
- European Parliament at the center
- Council, Commission, National Parliaments
- Organized civil society
- Direct participation of citizens
- Pressure on MEPs, mobilization of civil society
- Involvement of National Parliaments
Also showing our credibility and determination as UEF:
- I’ve visited many EU states
- I’ve made our voice heard in the media
- New sections in Greece, North Macedonia, and Malta
- Active role during the EP campaign with I Choose Europe
- UEF has participated in several EU tenders and programs
- Inherited an extremely difficult financial situation
I leave this to your judgment. On my side, I would like:
- A more active role from some national sections
- Growth in membership of some sections
- Above all, to hear from you: What do you expect from UEF? What role should UEF play? What has worked and what hasn’t, and why?
To conclude:
Let me do something a bit unusual. To end with a quote is not unusual—no. But as a Federalist, to end with a quote from Margaret Thatcher... yes, I admit it, may seem rather odd. But Thatcher once said, “You may have to fight a battle more than once to win it.”
Well, dear friends, let’s fight, once more, our battle for a Federal Europe.